Mr. Naiqi, Mr. Xingzhi, Mr. Taofen, Mr. Junru, and all members of the National Salvation Federation!

Not long ago, we read in the newspapers the "Basic Conditions and Minimum Requirements for Unity and Resistance Against Foreign Aggression" published by Messrs. Zhang, Shen, Tao, and Zou, as well as the declaration and program of the National Salvation Federation. These documents have aroused our great sympathy and satisfaction. We believe they represent the opinions and demands of the vast majority of people across the country who are unwilling to become slaves of a conquered nation. On behalf of our Party, the Soviet Government, and the Red Army, I express sincere respect and declare to you and the people of the whole country: We agree with your declaration, program, and demands, and we sincerely wish to cooperate with you and with any political party, organization, or individual willing to participate in this struggle, so as to jointly carry out the fight to resist Japan and save the nation, as proposed in your program and demands. You said: "What we hope is that the Communist Party of China will demonstrate, through concrete actions, its sincere desire to unite all parties and groups in resisting Japan and saving the nation. Therefore, on the part of the Red Army, it should immediately cease attacks on the Central Army to facilitate peace negotiations. In areas occupied by the Red Army, a tolerant attitude should be adopted toward rich peasants, landlords, and merchants. In major cities, every effort should be made to avoid labor-capital conflicts that could weaken the anti-Japanese forces. Only then will the development of a united front for national salvation not be hindered."

Indeed, we should act in this way, and we are already doing so. In our actions, we have always been faithful to our proposals and political line. After the September 18th Incident, we were the first to propose to all parties across the country our willingness to cooperate in resisting Japan. Some people say that our proposals are merely for propaganda purposes and that we are not actually willing to implement them. However, facts over the past few years have proven such claims to be complete slander. We have cooperated with the 19th Route Army and the Fujian Government. Not long ago, when leaders of the Southwestern faction issued a public statement expressing their intention to resist Japan, we declared our agreement with their anti-Japanese stance and simultaneously extended proposals for cooperative resistance to the military and political leaders of the Southwestern faction and to all parties and social organizations. We solemnly declared that we sincerely hope for unity and joint struggle, not only in words but in deeds, to save the life of our motherland. For over a year, we have waged a long and arduous struggle to achieve our goal of marching north to resist Japan. Although we have reached the north, our desire to concentrate our forces in Hebei to directly engage in anti-Japanese resistance first has yet to be realized. This spring, after crossing the Yellow River, had it not been for the blockade and obstruction by over 100,000 Central Army troops stationed along the Tongpu Railway, our wish would undoubtedly have been fulfilled. At that time, if we had concentrated our forces to break through the blockade, it could certainly have been done, but this would inevitably have caused great sacrifices on both sides. To avoid the loss of worthless civil war, we temporarily crossed back to Shaanxi. After returning, despite the continued "encirclement and suppression" against us, we once again expressed to the Nanjing Government, General Yan Xishan of Taiyuan, and General Song Zheyuan of Hebei our willingness to concentrate our forces in Hebei to carry out anti-Japanese resistance and requested their consent. Although we have yet to receive a satisfactory response, we will not abandon our steadfast goal of resisting Japan and saving the nation. At this critical moment of national survival, we are unwilling to continue any fratricidal civil war. We will never attack the Nanjing Central Army or any other troops, provided they do not attack us or hinder the anti-Japanese struggle of Chinese forces. If the Nanjing Central Army or other troops engage in anti-Japanese resistance and do not suppress the patriotic movements of the masses, we are prepared to sincerely assist them with all our strength. We are willing to cooperate with any army, any political party, or any faction, as long as they agree to permit full freedom for anti-Japanese, anti-traitor, and patriotic movements.

Some people doubt whether the Red Army’s current strength is sufficient to resist Japan alone. Others say that national unity and internal peace are prerequisites for resisting Japan. Still others claim that partial resistance is harmful. But we do not think so. Our Northeast Anti-Japanese Volunteer Army has been able to carry out continuous and heroic anti-Japanese struggles. Even enemy newspapers admit that the Northeast Volunteer Army has caused the enemy losses of "over 100,000 lives and hundreds of millions of dollars" and has prevented Japanese imperialism from rapidly invading China’s interior. Although they have not yet achieved complete victory, they have already rendered tremendous service and assistance to the nation and people. Now, no one can say that the Northeast Volunteer Army cannot resist Japan alone. Our Red Army is in no way weaker than the Northeast Volunteer Army in any respect, and the patriotic fervor of the people in the north is no less than that of the people in the Northeast. Unless one intends to confuse the public, there is no basis to claim that the Red Army cannot resist Japan alone. The reasons for the failures of the Shanghai Resistance and the Great Wall Resistance were simply the vacillation and lack of resolve of the leaders at the time, their failure to employ flexible mobile warfare tactics, and their insufficient and broad cooperation with the people. However, the Chinese Red Army does not have these weaknesses. Therefore, we believe the Red Army can resist Japan alone, will not easily suffer setbacks, and can sustain prolonged resistance. Although the Red Army cannot expect to achieve final victory in the anti-Japanese war with its current strength, it can, in any case, resist Japan alone. Moreover, in the process of the Red Army’s continued resistance, it will inevitably be able to unite the people of the entire nation and all armed forces willing to resist Japan to achieve final victory.

If it is said that unifying the nation’s strength is necessary to achieve final victory in the anti-Japanese war, that is correct; but if it is said that unification must come first and then resistance, that is incorrect. It should be remembered that partial forces have already been able to carry out resistance. It should also be remembered that in places where resistance movements have not yet begun, the enemy will never allow us to concentrate our forces. The enemy is already closely monitoring the Nanjing Central Government and local governments, and has been seizing our territory province by province. Under such circumstances, the possibility of national mobilization only arises when resistance begins. Resistance and national mobilization should commence simultaneously. Under conditions of "peace," it is very difficult to achieve national mobilization.

You demand freedom for all patriotic movements, but the enemy will immediately use armed force to suppress patriotic movements. Clearly, war will then be unavoidable. The situation is becoming increasingly critical. If the anti-Japanese war is not started immediately, national unified self-defense and national mobilization will inevitably become more difficult. If we miss the opportunity, it may even become impossible to achieve unified self-defense and mobilization. Even today, national mobilization can no longer include the Northeast and parts of the northern regions. If this continues, the enemy can organize more puppet armies, carve up larger areas of China, and seize all key cities and transportation routes. By then, our mobilization will only be possible in a very small portion of territory and rural areas. Can we still use excuses such as incomplete unification or insufficient preparation to delay resistance against Japan?

We do not oppose genuine preparation, but we oppose using the pretext of preparation to carry out non-resistance in practice. Any resistance struggle will never hinder preparation and mobilization efforts. Any act of resistance is itself a tremendous form of mobilization, as best demonstrated by the experiences of the Shanghai Resistance and the Great Wall Resistance.

Achievements that would take years of secret preparation under enemy surveillance might be accomplished in just a few weeks after the start of resistance. Moreover, the strength cultivated through secret preparation can never compensate for the strength lost during the same period, nor can it match the strength the enemy can gather and prepare in that time.

Some say that our independent resistance undermines their overall anti-Japanese plan. We have no way of knowing what they mean by an "overall anti-Japanese plan." What we demand is simply that those who lag behind quickly catch up with us, and that military and political leaders and parties not yet prepared for resistance immediately join us in the anti-Japanese struggle. There is no basis to demand that we abandon our anti-Japanese policy or halt our anti-Japanese actions to conform to the programs and actions of these "critics."

The war of resistance against Japan will be a long and brutal war, and final victory cannot be achieved without enduring countless bitter battles. In the course of this prolonged and arduous struggle, it will inevitably be possible to mobilize and concentrate all the nation’s forces, but the anti-Japanese war must not be delayed until after mobilization and concentration are complete.

Therefore, we demand the immediate start of the anti-Japanese war, first by concentrating the Red Army in Hebei so that it can be the first to begin the war of resistance against Japan. We oppose using any pretext to delay or avoid resistance against Japan. We earnestly hope you will help implement these demands.

To concentrate national strength for the anti-Japanese war, we have improved Soviet laws and work in various aspects. In addition to changing the Workers’ and Peasants’ Government and the Workers’ and Peasants’ Red Army into the People’s Soviet Government and the People’s Red Army, we have supplemented the Soviet electoral law to grant the right to vote and stand for election to all petty-bourgeois employees, freelancers, professionals, small traders, and small business owners. We declare that all political parties, social organizations, and mass groups in Soviet areas enjoy civil rights. We welcome representatives of all parties and social organizations willing to jointly resist Japan to participate in the Soviet Government and share responsibilities. We have passed resolutions not to confiscate the land of rich peasants; if they are willing to join us in resisting Japan, we do not refuse to unite with them. We will not confiscate the property and factories of large or small industrialists and merchants; instead, we will protect their enterprises and help them develop, so as to increase the material supplies necessary for the anti-Japanese movement in the Soviet areas. We will not confiscate the land and property of officers and landlords who actively resist Japan. We invite all unemployed officers, soldiers, staff, and professionals to come to the Soviet areas and provide them with suitable work so they can utilize their talents. Special measures have been adopted to treat captured officers and soldiers with leniency: those who wish to return home will be given travel expenses; those who wish to stay in the Soviet areas and jointly resist Japan will be given work. All exorbitant taxes and levies have been abolished, and a moderate unified progressive tax has been imposed.

This is the political program we have adopted and implemented in our Soviet areas. We will never be hostile to anti-Japanese classes within the nation. When the Red Army enters the territory of friendly forces resisting Japan in the future, under agreements adhered to by those friendly forces, the Red Army agrees to abide by the laws and regulations established by those forces and will not interfere in the local administration of their areas. Regarding labor-capital relations, we have stipulated minimum conditions for improving workers’ lives, with labor-capital agreements to be concluded based on the actual circumstances of each enterprise. Both labor and capital must abide by these agreements and avoid unnecessary strikes and slowdowns. Past laws on supervising production and workers managing factories have been abolished. Workers are advised not to make demands exceeding the capacity of their enterprises. In non-Soviet areas, we advocate the necessity of improving workers’ lives but hope not to intensify the struggle against capitalism. We believe that striving for customs autonomy and opposing imperialist aggression benefits both workers and capitalists. Conversely, under continued imperialist aggression, neither workers nor capitalists can expect their conditions to improve. The common interests of labor and capital are founded on opposing imperialist aggression.

As for the guerrilla forces currently operating in Hebei, Hunan, Jiangxi, Fujian, Zhejiang, and other regions, they have yet to implement the laws we recently passed. This is due to numerous obstacles preventing them from receiving our directives. Furthermore, brutal massacres during encirclement campaigns may provoke certain retaliatory measures, but we consider such actions to be mistaken. We earnestly hope to immediately correct these errors among the guerrilla forces. Unfortunately, we cannot yet enforce these conditions, as the decisive power does not rest with us. We hold that the Red Army is the army of the Chinese people, unconditionally respecting and implementing the criticisms, opinions, and demands expressed by the people nationwide. On all issues concerning the Chinese people, we are willing to abide by the democratic resolutions of the people who refuse to be slaves to a conquered nation.

Of course, our Party members should participate in local national salvation organizations and various forms of national salvation movements. We are willing to sacrifice all our strength to support these movements and organizations, so as to struggle together with all parties and people unwilling to be slaves to a conquered nation, and to save the Chinese people from peril. Our Party members unconditionally obey the rules, programs, and resolutions adopted by the majority in these organizations. Similarly, in practical work, even when we disagree in principle, we unconditionally submit to the majority's opinion. Our Party members will not oppose or compete with other factions within these organizations to vie for the masses or leadership. On the contrary, we are willing to support leaders of any faction who are thoroughly anti-Japanese, enabling them to exercise their abilities among the masses without hindrance. Our Party members are willing to work under their leadership. To achieve victory over a powerful enemy, we need not only our own development and triumph but also the victory and development of all united forces. Our united front slogan is: "All parties and classes unite under the banner of resisting Japan and saving the nation." Therefore, we consider it erroneous to raise slogans within the united front calling for the overthrow of a particular class or party. We believe there are many leaders, Party members, and officials within the Kuomintang and the National Government capable of resisting Japan, and we are fully willing to unite with them. Hence, it is inappropriate to oppose the Kuomintang and local governments in general. We disagree with and oppose sectarianism, monopolistic manipulation, and control, as well as the methods some young people are currently employing in practice to coerce the masses into participating in national salvation movements.

Finally, we believe the most important thing is for all parties to understand the task of resisting Japan and saving the nation and to change their hostile attitude toward us. Opinions on other issues are of little importance. However, some people place great emphasis on many opinions regarding other issues, thus giving rise to numerous conflicts and contradictions. We are fully willing to rectify these shortcomings. If our Party members commit such errors in the national salvation movement, we hope leaders and youth of other parties will, out of patriotic fervor, offer mutual advice and encouragement. We believe that if, for the necessity of resisting Japan and saving the nation, all mutual hostility is set aside, and mutual patience and respect are practiced, then the nationwide united front can be successfully established and can ensure a broad and bright future. Depending on the degree of development of the united front's strength, we can not only defeat Japanese imperialism and traitors to the nation but also, through certain stages of the united front movement, enable the Chinese nation to break free from all imperialist shackles and achieve genuine democratic unification of all China. Therefore, we believe the united front is by no means a short-lived, temporary phenomenon. Of course, at various stages of the united front, individuals may waver, betray, or flee, but this must never be regarded as a rupture of the united front.

The current united front has clearer premises and a more solid foundation than that of 1927, because the national crisis today is a hundred times deeper than in 1927. The united front of 1927 was primarily directed against internal enemies (against the Northern Warlords), whereas the current united front is directed against external enemies. In 1927, those who broke away from the united front could still organize semi-independent governments. Now, whoever breaks away from or refuses to join the united front can no longer establish a semi-independent government, nor can they find support among any stratum of the Chinese people. Moreover, the experience of 1927 cannot be mechanically applied to any class, because the international and domestic situation has undergone drastic changes compared to 1927, changes favorable to the nationwide united front. Therefore, we are not in the least pessimistic about the prospects of the current united front; there is no basis whatsoever for pessimism. For the cause of the united front, we are not afraid of being exploited by other parties, because we have a resolute anti-Japanese program that we have carefully considered. We are willing to cooperate to the end with all political factions and organizations that resist Japan and punish traitors.

However, the greatest danger at present is that some people harbor illusions about realizing a plan of unification by force. It is obvious that unification by force means incessant civil war. If we recall the failures of Yuan Shikai and other warlords' plans for unification by force, we can see how dark the prospects are for these people. Under current conditions, the policy of force harms the Chinese nation to a far greater degree than it did back then. Unfortunately, some people still adopt a hands-off attitude toward such a policy. There are also those who attempt to use another "concentrated front" to oppose and undermine the Chinese people's united front. This is one of the main reasons why the united front cannot develop smoothly.

You say that past disputes centered on the methods of the anti-Japanese struggle and the sequence of "pacifying the interior" and "resisting external aggression." We feel this is only superficial. In reality, some people are wavering between national traitors and national heroes, choosing a path between resistance and surrender. We do not believe that those who advocate "resisting external aggression requires first pacifying the interior" fail to see the consequences of their "pacification" policy. Yet why do they still so firmly insist on "resisting external aggression requires first pacifying the interior"? We do not oppose unification; what we oppose is civil war and national traitors. We believe that today China has only one way out: for all parties to unite on an equal footing, carry out resistance against Japan, and submit to the democratic politics of the people nationwide. If this path is not taken and unification by force is attempted instead, there will never be unity among the Chinese people, only further division and destruction of China. For this reason alone, we oppose such attempts. We advocate uniting to resist Japan on an equal basis and using democratic methods to unify China. We are willing to abide by the resolutions of any national assembly that truly represents the entire Chinese people and propose that all issues be brought before such an assembly for resolution. Furthermore, we agree to let the people nationwide democratically decide whether the Soviet system should be implemented throughout China.

However, we must declare that the draft constitution and the organizational and electoral regulations for the National Assembly promulgated by the Nanjing government on May 5 of this year are, in our view, entirely anti-democratic. We do not recognize that a National Assembly elected under these laws has the right to represent the will of the people nationwide. We cannot participate in the elections for such a National Assembly, and neither we nor the people nationwide should obey the resolutions passed by such a "National Assembly." We consider the existence of this "National Assembly" to be harmful. However, we agree to participate in any representative body of the people established in genuine conformity with democratic principles.

Finally, we hope that you and all national salvation organizations everywhere will send representatives to participate in the Soviet government. We hope you will introduce representatives from other political parties and factions to engage in negotiations for cooperation with us. All representatives willing to negotiate with us are invited to come directly to the Soviet areas, where we guarantee there will be no danger whatsoever. If any region outside the Soviet areas also guarantees the safety of our representatives, we are willing to send representatives to other regions for negotiations.

We sincerely wish to add our signatures to the program of the National Joint Salvation Association.

With revolutionary salutations for national liberation!

Mao Zedong

August 10, 1936