Conversation with the American Journalist Snow

benefit. Aid can be manifested in two ways: (1) extending credits and loans to China’s anti-Japanese forces, selling munitions and aircraft; or (2) imposing a blockade on Japan when the war of resistance actually begins. If the United States and Britain can provide such aid, the firmest friendship and sympathy will be established between the Chinese people and the peoples of the United States and Britain.

Question: Does the Soviet government recognize the foreign treaties concluded by the Peking government and the Nanking government? If so, which treaties?

Answer: The Japanese are already in fact destroying these treaties. Through their military occupation of the Northeast, their smuggling in North China, and various illegal activities, they are progressively undermining these treaties. Especially in the Northeast, we can see various countries losing their treaty status, with normal commerce and foreign trade being wrecked by Japan. Therefore, if other countries wish to maintain peaceful trade relations with China, they must stop Japan, for the trade rights they still retain at present are primarily threatened by Japan.

Other governments may ask: “What is your attitude towards the treaties we signed with previous Chinese governments?”

Our answer to this question is clear. Which is more urgent—revising treaties or national salvation? Obviously, for us the more important task is resisting Japan, and therefore the Soviet government and the Chinese people will concentrate their main strength on this task.

A question may arise: “If the Soviet government defeats Japan, recovers China’s lost provinces, and re-establishes Chinese sovereignty, what attitude will it then adopt towards such issues as extraterritoriality?”

To this we can reply: At that time, if there is a Chinese people’s government of which the Soviets form a part, we will strongly advocate formulating policies based on the wartime conduct of these countries. Those countries that rendered assistance during China’s war of independence and liberation or did not oppose China may enjoy close, friendly, and mutually beneficial relations with China. Those countries that actively assisted Japan will naturally not receive the same treatment. For example, Germany, which has already established special relations with the puppet state of Manchukuo, cannot be considered a country friendly to the Chinese people.

If China truly wins independence, the legitimate trade interests of foreigners in China will have more opportunities than in the past. The productive and consumptive capacity of 450 million people is not only a matter of concern to the Chinese people alone but can also attract many countries. Once the several hundred million people of our country are truly liberated, once their enormous productive potential is unleashed and applied to creative activities in every field, it can promote economic development and raise the cultural level of the whole world. But the productive forces of the Chinese people have hardly been stirred in the past; on the contrary, they have been suppressed—suppressed by domestic warlords and foreign imperialism, especially Japanese imperialism.

After we win independence, China will negotiate treaties of mutual assistance, mutual benefit, and mutual agreement with friendly countries. Towards Japan, we now have only one method—the method of armed resistance. But with other countries, China is prepared to engage in cooperation on a larger scale than at present and, for the first time, to establish such relations with them on the basis of mutual respect. As for Japan, China must, through the war of liberation, abrogate all unequal treaties, confiscate all property of Japanese imperialism, and abolish all its privileges, concessions, and political influence in our country—including such “treaties” as the He-Umezu Agreement, the Shanghai Ceasefire Agreement, the Tanggu Agreement, and various anti-communist pacts, which are opposed by the entire Chinese people.

In relations with other countries, we Communists do not approve of any step that might place China in an unfavorable international position in the struggle against Japanese imperialism.

Question: Does your government recognize foreign property rights in China, that is, does it recognize existing foreign investments? If not all are recognized, then what categories of foreign investment will be recognized, and under what circumstances can foreign businessmen operate in China?

Answer: The Soviet government welcomes investments by foreign capital. In the past, China failed to utilize foreign capital to bring real benefits to the Chinese people; foreign capital brought little or no benefit to the masses. Only after China achieves genuine independence and democracy will it be possible

Conversation with the American Journalist Snow

to employ large amounts of foreign capital for the large-scale development of productive enterprises; and only a free China, through the extensive development of a productive economy, will be able to repay the principal and interest on such foreign investments.

Legitimate foreign loans will be recognized. We will consider as legitimate all foreign loans used for construction purposes and applied to construction. We will not recognize any “political loans,” nor any loans used to fight civil wars, attack the Red Army, or whose purpose runs counter to the interests of the entire Chinese people. We will recognize loans used for building railways, telecommunications, radio, airlines, developing industry or agriculture, relieving famines, and so forth.

Question: Regarding (a) foreign political rights and (b) foreign investment, what are the basic differences between the policies of the Soviet government and those of the Kuomintang?

Answer: The Kuomintang has used its foreign loans mainly to wage warlord civil wars or to attack the Red Army, or has squandered the money on other foolish actions. Its borrowing has caused greater damage to China’s political sovereignty. If a people’s government is established, foreign loans and foreign investments should be used solely to develop the basic productive capacity of China’s economic life—especially in building basic industries on a nationwide scale and introducing scientific agricultural methods and agricultural organization. Contrary to Nanking’s policy, no foreign investment that affects China’s independent political rights will be recognized.

Question: Does the Soviet government’s new policy towards foreign missionaries mean that their property rights will be recognized? Will they continue to enjoy the right to preach, teach, own land, run schools, and engage in other undertakings?

Answer: Yes. But this does not include Japanese missionaries.

Question: What are the Soviet government’s present hopes regarding the American government and the American people? How can the American government and people best help the Chinese people?

Answer: We believe that the American people and the American government are far-sighted with regard to China, and the situation is destined to make the American government play a very active role in the future of China and Japan. We hope and believe that they will form a united front with the Chinese people to oppose Japanese imperialism and the fascist front it represents. This is the best way they can help China at present. Many

American people have organized themselves, forming “Friends of the Chinese People,” the “Institute of Pacific Relations,” the “Pan-Pacific Association,” the “China Institute,” and so forth, expressing their sentiments for China and demonstrating their genuine sympathy for the Chinese people. In the name of the entire Chinese people, we express special thanks to the “Friends of the Chinese People” for their generous aid and support.

But there are also some shortsighted American politicians who think that the destruction of China has nothing to do with them. We Communists consider this a mistaken understanding of the actual situation. The actual situation is that America’s interests in the East are closely linked with resistance to Japanese imperialism. These people advocate an isolationist policy. But as the face of history is further revealed, we believe they will abandon the policy of “isolationism,” and the United States will come to realize that its true responsibility in the Pacific is to struggle against Japanese imperialism, which directly threatens American ideals and interests.

Question: What are the Soviet government’s present hopes regarding the British government and the British people? How can the British government and people best help the Chinese people?

Answer: Our attitude towards the British people is roughly the same as towards the American people. Among the British people, too, there are organizations similar to the “Friends of the Chinese People.” We respect and welcome such British friends who genuinely sympathize with the Chinese people.

It is very clear that there is a faction among British politicians that has adopted an erroneous policy in the past. The policy pursued by the British government has in fact made it possible for Japan to occupy Chinese territory, even if it has not actually encouraged Japan to do so. The British government seems to be about to adopt new tactics, but it appears it still lacks sufficient courage to carry out its convictions in this part of the world. If Britain continues to waver and pursue a wait-and-see policy as in the past, if it continues to beg for Japan’s “cooperation,” it will do Britain no good whatsoever. The face of Japanese imperialism is already crystal clear. To Britain, it is not a friendly face but an image of destruction.

Question: Many people believe that if China becomes Sovietized, Soviet China will be under the domination of the Soviet Union, and its internal and external policies will be placed under “Moscow’s control.”

Answer: As everyone knows, the truth contained in fascist propaganda is so minuscule that

Conversation with the American Journalist Snow

it is almost invisible to the naked eye. When Mussolini wanted to conquer Abyssinia, he declared he was liberating the slaves of Africa. When Hitler launched aggression in Europe, he told the German people that glory was better than bread, and told the European people that he was a lover of peace. When the Japanese warlords annexed the Northeast, they also said they were liberating the Chinese people.

Now, as you say, the fascists are clamoring that “Moscow controls China.” If all this were true, then building a railway to Mars and buying a train ticket from Mr. H.G. Wells[2] would also be entirely possible.

No matter how stupid fascist propaganda may be, a small number of people are still deceived. It is therefore necessary to point out its fundamental falsity. Because China is now seeking to conclude a treaty with the Soviet Union, the fascists assert that Russia is attempting to “buy” China. If that were so, then France would long ago have become a colony of Moscow—and so would several other European countries that have signed treaties with the Soviet Union.

In fact, this “logic” of the fascists reveals their own desire to establish a world empire—just like Japan’s actions in the Northeast and North China, Italy’s actions in Abyssinia, and so on. They cannot conceive of any basis for contact between the peoples of two countries other than one swallowing the other. Hitler’s actions in certain parts of Europe, Japan’s actions in East Asia, Italy’s actions in Africa and Spain—each of these actions, it can be said, is not only a threat of fascist control but indeed a reality of “fascist control.” But in these regions and anywhere else in the world, we see no sign whatsoever of “Moscow control.”

Yet, the development of history will, after all, take a different course. With the victory of the Chinese revolution,
the Chinese people will be able to welcome the Russian people as true brothers, just as they can welcome the free peoples of other countries as truly equal to themselves. The Chinese people will establish friendly relations not only with the Soviet Union but with all nations that treat us as equals, and will unite with them to oppose the fascist countries that seek to obstruct the advance of history.

The Japanese now clamor that whoever opposes Japanese imperialism is a Communist. But the entire Chinese people, except for a tiny handful of traitors, are unswervingly opposed to Japanese imperialism. Therefore, in the eyes of the Chinese people, if communism means resisting Japan and signifies the struggle for national liberation, then the majority of the Chinese people are not afraid of such communism. Only in the nightmares of traitors and collaborators does the so-called “Red menace” exist. On the contrary, the whole nation urgently needs such communism, just as a hungry man needs rice.

If you think communism is a “threat” to the Chinese people, go find a Japanese general and ask his opinion. He will tell you that communism in China means the national liberation movement, freedom, and national sovereignty, which is precisely why he demands the conclusion of a treaty with Nanking to oppose it. But if communism means this, then this is exactly what the Chinese people want. The Chinese people are not afraid of such a movement, for this is precisely what they demand. They will shout: “Long live the liberated Chinese people! Long live a free, united, sovereign, and complete China!”

In a conversation with an American journalist, Stalin said: “Revolution cannot be exported.”[1] It is equally true that revolution cannot be imported. To survive, the Chinese people will naturally adopt the best means to oppose Japan.

[1] See Stalin’s “Conversation with Mr. Roy Howard, General Manager of the Scripps-Howard Newspaper Alliance of the United States,” March 1, 1936. Stalin said: “We Marxists believe that revolutions will also occur in other countries. But they can occur only when the revolutionaries of those countries consider it possible or necessary. To export revolution is nonsense.” (Stalin, *Selected Works*, People’s Publishing House, 1962 edition, p. 73)

--- Notes

[1] Abyssinia, i.e., Ethiopia.
[2] H.G. Wells (1866–1946), British writer, who in his early years wrote some science fiction novels, such as *The Time Machine*, *The War of the Worlds*, and *The First Men in the Moon*, and later published novels and authored works including *The Outline of History*.