Conversations with the American Journalist Edgar Snow[1]

(July, September 1936)

Foreign Policy

(July 15)

Question by Snow: What is the general policy of the Soviet Government towards the capitalist powers?

Answer by Mao Zedong: In discussing policy matters, I must ask you to keep in mind constantly that the fundamental problem facing the Chinese people today is the struggle against Japanese imperialism. Our Soviet foreign policy is definitely conditioned by this struggle. The Japanese militarists seek to conquer all China and make the Chinese people their colonial slaves. The struggle against Japanese aggression, against Japanese military and economic aggression—these are the primary tasks that we must not forget when analyzing Soviet policy.

Japanese aggression threatens not only China but also world peace, especially the peace of the Pacific. Japanese imperialism is not only China’s enemy but also the enemy of the peoples of all nations who desire peace, and particularly the enemy of the peoples of nations with stakes in the Pacific, namely the United States, Britain, France, the Soviet Union, and others. Japan’s continental and maritime policies are directed not only against China

[1] Edgar Snow (1905–1972), a prominent progressive American journalist and author. He arrived in Bao’an, northern Shaanxi, in July 1936 as the first foreign correspondent to visit the region under the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party. Mao Zedong was interviewed by him on multiple occasions. This selection includes records of three conversations between Mao and Snow, published respectively in the American journal *Amerasia* and the Shanghai-based *China Weekly Review*.

but also against these nations.

Thus, Japanese aggression is not just a Chinese problem; it is an issue that must be addressed by all the nations of the Pacific region. The Chinese Soviets and the Chinese people must, therefore, unite with various nations, their peoples, parties, and mass organizations to form a united front against Japanese imperialism.

What do we expect from foreign nations? We at least expect friendly nations not to aid Japanese imperialism and to adopt at least a neutral stance. We hope they will actively assist China in resisting aggression and conquest.

Q: How does the Soviet Government distinguish between friendly nations and imperialist powers?

A: Regarding the question of imperialism, generally speaking, we see that among the great powers some—like the United States, Britain, France, the Netherlands, and Belgium—have expressed reluctance to participate in a new world war or to see Japan occupy China. Then there are nations long under threat from aggressive powers, as well as smaller peoples, dominions, colonies, semi-colonies, and the like—such as Siam [1], the Philippines, the nations of Central America, Canada, India, Australia, the Dutch East Indies [2], and others—all of which are more or less threatened by Japan. We regard them as our friends and invite their cooperation. As for the Soviet Union, which pursues a policy of peace and has no intention of conquering or exploiting any nation, it is naturally our good friend.

Thus, apart from Japan and those nations aiding Japanese imperialism, the above types of countries—anti-war nations, colonial and semi-colonial countries, and socialist countries—can form a world alliance against aggression, war, and fascism.

Among the countries of these types, any willing to join this common front will be welcomed by us as friendly nations, regardless of how much they can contribute to making this common front an effective weapon against the aggressors.

[1] Siam is the former name of Thailand.
[2] The Dutch East Indies refers to present-day Indonesia.

Only when Nanking resolves to resist Japanese imperialism and unites with the people’s revolution to organize a democratic government of national defense will such assistance prove truly beneficial to the Chinese nation. Aid can manifest in two ways: (1) providing credit, loans, military supplies, and aircraft to China’s anti-Japanese forces; or (2) imposing a blockade on Japan once the war of resistance actually begins. If the United States and Britain can offer such aid, the strongest ties of friendship and sympathy will be forged between the Chinese people and the peoples of America and Britain.

Q: Does the Soviet Government recognize the foreign treaties concluded by the Peking Government and the Nanking Government? If so, which ones?

A: In fact, the Japanese are already undermining these treaties. Through their military occupation of the Northeast, smuggling in North China, and various illegal activities, they are steadily destroying them. Particularly in the Northeast, we can see various nations losing their treaty positions, with normal commerce and foreign trade being disrupted by Japan. Thus, if other nations wish to maintain peaceful trade relations with China, they must check Japan, for the trade rights they currently still hold are primarily threatened by Japan.

Other governments may ask, “What is your attitude toward the treaties we concluded with previous Chinese governments?”

To this question, our answer is clear. What is more urgent? Revising treaties or saving the nation? Obviously, for us, resisting Japan is more important. Therefore, the Soviet Government and the Chinese people will concentrate their primary efforts on this task.

A question might arise: “Suppose the Soviet Government defeats Japan, recovers China’s lost territories, and re-establishes China’s sovereignty. What will its attitude then be toward issues like extraterritoriality?”

To this we can reply: At that time, if there is a Chinese people’s government of which the Soviets form a part, we will strongly advocate formulating policies based on these countries’ conduct during the war. Those nations that provided aid during China’s war for independence and liberation, or those that did not oppose China, may enjoy close, friendly, and mutually beneficial

relations with China. Naturally, countries that actively assisted Japan will not
receive the same treatment. For instance, Germany, having established special
relations with the puppet state of Manchukuo, cannot be considered a nation
friendly to the Chinese people.

If China truly wins independence, foreign traders will have greater opportunities for legitimate trade interests in China than ever before. The productive and consumptive capacity of 450 million people is not only a concern of
the Chinese themselves but can also attract many nations. Once the hundreds
of millions of our people are truly liberated, once their immense productive
potential is unleashed and applied to creative endeavors in every field, economic development will be spurred, and global cultural standards will be
raised. However, in the past, the productive forces of the Chinese people have
scarcely been tapped—on the contrary, they have been suppressed by domestic warlords and foreign imperialism, especially Japanese imperialism.

After we win independence, China will negotiate treaties of mutual assistance, mutual benefit, and mutual consent with friendly nations. Toward Japan,
there is for now only one approach—armed resistance. But with other nations,
China is prepared to engage in cooperation on a far larger scale than at present and, for the first time, to establish such relations with them on a basis of
mutual respect. As for Japan, China must, through a war of liberation, abolish
all unequal treaties, confiscate all Japanese imperialist property, and cancel all
Japan’s privileges, concessions, and political influence in our country—including such “treaties” opposed by the entire Chinese people as the Ho-Umezu
Agreement, the Shanghai Ceasefire Agreement, the Tangku Truce, and various anti-communist pacts.

In our relations with other countries, we Communists do not favor any

steps that might place China at an international disadvantage in its struggle
against Japanese imperialism.

Q: Does your government recognize foreign property rights in China, i.e.,

existing foreign investments? If not all, then which categories of foreign investment will be recognized, and under what circumstances may foreign businessmen operate in China?

A: The Soviet Government welcomes investments by foreign capital. In
the past, China failed to use foreign capital to genuinely benefit the Chinese
people. Foreign capital brought little or no benefit to the masses. Only after
China achieves genuine independence and democracy will it become possible
to channel substantial foreign investment into the large-scale development of
productive enterprises. And only a free China, with the extensive development
of its productive economy, will be able to repay the principal and interest on
such foreign investments.

Legitimate foreign loans will be recognized. All loans that are for purposes
of construction and are used in construction will be considered legitimate. We
will not recognize any “political loans,” nor any loans used to fight civil wars,
attack the Red Army, or whose purpose runs counter to the interests of the
entire Chinese people. We will recognize loans used for building railways, telecommunications, radio systems, air routes, developing industry or agriculture,
or providing famine relief, and so on.

Q: What are the fundamental differences between the Soviet Government’s
policy and the Kuomintang’s policy regarding (a) foreign political rights and
(b) foreign investment?

A: The Kuomintang has used its foreign loans primarily to wage warlord
civil wars or fight the Red Army, or has squandered the money on other foolish actions. Its borrowing has caused greater losses to China’s political sovereignty. Should a people’s government be established, foreign loans and foreign investment should only be used to develop the basic productive capacity
of China’s economic life—particularly in building basic industries nationwide
and introducing scientific agricultural methods and systems of agricultural
organization. In contrast to Nanking’s policy, no foreign investment that undermines China’s independent political rights will be recognized at all.

Q: Does the Soviet Government’s new policy toward foreign missionaries
mean their property rights will be recognized? Will they continue to enjoy the
right to preach, teach, own land, run schools, and engage in other activities?

A: Yes. But this does not include Japanese missionaries.

Q: What are the Soviet Government’s current hopes regarding the American

Govermment and the American people? How can the American Government
and people best assist the Chinese people?

A: We believe the American people and the American Government are

far-sighted. The situation destines the United States Government to play a
very active role in the future of China and Japan. We hope and trust that they
will unite with the Chinese people in a united front against Japanese imperialism and the fascist front Japan represents. This is the best way they can
currently aid China. Many American people have organized themselves into
groups such as the “Friends of the Chinese People,” the “Institute of Pacific
Relations,” the “Pan-Pacific Association,” the “China Institute,” and others,
expressing their sentiments toward China and demonstrating their genuine
sympathy for the Chinese people. On behalf of the entire Chinese people, we
are especially grateful for the generous aid and support from the “Friends of
the Chinese People.”

However, there are also some shortsighted American politicians who think

China’s demise is none of their concern. We Communists consider this a misperception of the actual situation. The reality is that America’s interests in the
East are closely tied to resisting Japanese imperialism. Some advocate an isolationist policy. But as the face of history is further revealed, we believe they
will abandon their “isolationist” stance, and the United States will awaken to
its true responsibility in the Pacific: to struggle against Japanese imperialism,
which directly threatens American ideals and interests.

Q: What are the Soviet Government’s current hopes regarding the British

Government and the British people? How can they best assist the Chinese
people?

A: Our attitude toward the British people is roughly similar to that toward

the American people. Among the British people, there are also organizations
similar to the “Friends of the Chinese People.” We respect and welcome such
British friends who genuinely sympathize with China.

It is quite clear that a faction within British politics has pursued mistaken

policies in the past. The policies carried out by the British Government have,
in practice, made Japan’s occupation of Chinese territory possible, even if it
has not actively encouraged Japan to do so. The British Government seems
to be adopting new approaches, yet it apparently still lacks the courage to act

_12_

upon its convictions in this part of the world. If Britain continues to waver
and maintain a wait-and-see policy, as it did before, and keeps seeking Japan’s
“cooperation,” it will do Britain no good at all. The true face of Japanese imperialism is now perfectly clear: to Britain, it is not a friendly visage, but an image
of destruction.

Q: Many believe that if China becomes Sovietized, Soviet China will fall
under Soviet domination, and its domestic and foreign policies will be placed
under “Moscow’s control.”

A: As everyone knows, the amount of truth contained in fascist propaganda is so minuscule it is nearly invisible to the naked eye. When Mussolini
sought to conquer Abyssinia, he proclaimed he was liberating African slaves.
When Hitler launched aggression in Europe, he told the German people that
glory outweighed bread, and told the peoples of Europe that he was a lover of
peace. When the Japanese warlords annexed the Northeast, they too claimed
they were liberating the Chinese people.

13

Now, as you say, the fascists are clamoring about "Moscow controlling China." If all this were true, then building a railway to Mars and buying a train ticket from Mr. H.G. Wells would also be entirely possible.

No matter how foolish the fascist propaganda may be, a small number of people have still been deceived. It is therefore necessary to point out its fundamental falsehood. Because China is now seeking to conclude a treaty with the Soviet Union, the fascists assert that Russia is attempting to "buy" China. If that were the case, then France would have long been a colony of Moscow—and so would several other European countries that have signed treaties with the Soviet Union.

In fact, this "logic" of the fascists reveals their own desire to establish a world empire—just like Japan's actions in Northeast and North China, Italy's actions in Abyssinia, and so on. They cannot conceive of any basis for contact between the peoples of two countries other than one swallowing the other. Hitler's actions in certain parts of Europe, Japan's actions in East Asia, Italy's actions in Africa and Spain—each of these actions, it can be said, is not only a threat of fascist control but indeed a veritable "fascist control." Yet in these regions and anywhere else in the world, we see no sign whatsoever of "Moscow control."

However, the development of history will, after all, take a different course. With the victory of the Chinese revolution,

[1] Abyssinia, namely Ethiopia.

[2] Wells (1866–1946), English writer, who in his early years wrote several science fiction novels, such as *The Time Machine*, *The War of the Worlds*, and *The First Men in the Moon*, and later published novels and works including *The Outline of History*.

the Chinese people will be able to welcome the Russian people as true brothers, just as they can welcome the free peoples of other countries as their genuine equals. The Chinese people will establish friendly relations not only with the Soviet Union, but with all nations that treat us as equals, and will unite with them to oppose the fascist countries that seek to obstruct the advance of history.

The Japanese now clamor that whoever opposes Japanese imperialism is a communist. Yet the entire Chinese people, except for a tiny handful of traitors, stand unswervingly against Japanese imperialism. Therefore, in the eyes of the Chinese people, if communism means resisting Japan and waging a struggle for national liberation, then most Chinese people are not afraid of such communism. The so-called "red menace" exists only in the nightmares of traitors and collaborators. On the contrary, the whole nation urgently needs such communism, just as a hungry person needs rice.

If you think communism is a "threat" to the Chinese people, go find a Japanese general and ask his opinion. He will tell you that communism in China means a national liberation movement, freedom, and national sovereignty, which is precisely why he demands a treaty with Nanjing to oppose it. But if communism means this, then this is exactly what the Chinese people want. The Chinese people are not afraid of such a movement, for this is exactly what they demand. They will shout: "Long live the liberated Chinese people! Long live a free, united, independent, and complete China!"

In a conversation with an American journalist, Stalin said: "Revolution cannot be exported." It is equally true that revolution cannot be imported. For the sake of survival, the Chinese people will naturally adopt the best means to oppose Japan.

[1] See Stalin's March 1, 1936 *Conversation with Mr. Roy Howard, President of the Scripps-Howard Newspapers*. Stalin said: "We Marxists hold that revolution will also occur in other countries. But it can occur only when the revolutionaries in those countries deem it possible or necessary. To export revolution is nonsense." (*Selected Works of Stalin*, People's Publishing House, 1962 edition, p. 73)

Conversation with the American Journalist Snow

In all the decisions of the Comintern or in the constitution of the Soviet Union, we can find no provision for the Soviet Union ruling Soviet China. Such a matter has certainly never been discussed in the entire history of communism. Yet we need not look far—right in our neighboring country of fascist Japan, we can see very concrete plans for exercising fascist rule over China.

From historical facts, we know that the Soviet Union helps all oppressed nations and peoples with complete equality and sincerity. We know that it does not seek to obtain a single inch of territory or a single person from any other country.

Q: The Chinese Soviet Government advocates forming an anti-imperialist, anti-fascist alliance with foreign countries. Is it possible for China to establish such an alliance with democratic capitalist countries?

A: The nature of an anti-fascist alliance is a peace alliance, aimed at jointly resisting those countries that wage war. If China concludes a treaty with the Soviet Union, it will necessarily be because fascist Japan is the enemy of both China and the Soviet Union. "Jointly defending peace" is the fundamental basis of the existing Franco-Soviet treaty. It could also serve as the basis for similar anti-Japanese treaties among the Pacific countries.

It is entirely possible and desirable for China to conclude anti-fascist treaties with capitalist democratic countries. Joining the anti-fascist front for self-defense is in the interests of these countries.

A question confronting all countries is: Will China be completely colonized, or will it resist the aggressors and become a sovereign state? In the latter case, there will be very many opportunities for foreign cooperation with China, because China will gain freedom, and the Chinese people will become an independent people, with an independent economy, culture, and political organization. Such a China will forever be a great and beneficial force in the world, an ally for just causes and the development of world culture. No country can afford to remain indifferent to the influence of such a China.

But if China is completely colonized, the future of the Pacific will indeed be a dark one. This will mean not only the destruction of China's independence, but also a threat of destruction to the peoples and cultures of the countries along the Pacific coast, and the beginning of a long series of terrible, foolish wars.

In 1937, *Red Star Over China* was first published in London.

A choice must be made. The Chinese people themselves will take the path of struggling against the oppressors. We hope that foreign statesmen and peoples will also march forward with us on this path, and not follow the dark byways laid by the bloody history of imperialism.

And thus, on this basis, you hear the people of our Soviet China shouting: "People of all countries, unite! Resist the aggression and oppression of Japanese fascism!"

We believe such a union can actually be realized, because we can find no legitimate reason to consider it contrary to the wishes of all civilized people in the Pacific region who sincerely desire peace and mutual friendship.

On the Struggle Against Japanese Imperialism

(July 16)

Q: If Japan is defeated and driven out of China, do you think the major problem of foreign imperialism will have been largely resolved in China?

A: Yes. If other imperialist countries do not act as Japan does, and if China defeats Japan, this will mean that the great masses of the Chinese people have awakened, have been mobilized, and have achieved independence. Thus, the major problem of imperialism will also be resolved.

Q: The Chinese Soviet Government has issued many appeals and declarations advocating the formation of a united front comprising all parties, all groups, and all armed forces to wage a desperate struggle against Japanese imperialism and drive the Japanese troops out of China. Does it believe that China can currently defeat Japan alone—that is, defeat Japan without any foreign support whatsoever?

A: Let me first remind you that neither China nor Japan is an isolated country; the issue of peace and war in the East is a global issue. Japan has its potential allies—such as Germany and Italy. To successfully oppose Japan, China must also seek support from other countries. However, this does not mean that without foreign aid, China cannot wage war against Japan. Nor does it mean that we must wait until we have an alliance with foreign countries before we can begin resisting Japan.

China harbors tremendously vast potential forces, which, during a period of great struggle, can be organized and thrown onto a powerful anti-Japanese front. During the protracted civil war waged by the counter-revolutionaries since 1927, the Chinese people have long since learned much about these forces and have found a good way to rely on the Communist Party to lead their struggle. Through their long political experience, the masses of the Chinese people have already mastered very effective weapons against the enemy.

Today, especially since September 18, 1931, the deceitful propaganda of the traitors has been bankrupted, and few people are still fooled by it. The masses are increasingly clear about who truly represents their interests; even some members of the Kuomintang have already joined or intend to join the anti-Japanese movement.

We firmly believe that the Chinese people will not submit to Japanese imperialism. We firmly believe that they will mobilize their immense potential forces, throw them onto the anti-Japanese battlefield, and go all out to meet the aggressors' challenge. In this struggle, final victory will surely belong to the Chinese people. If China fights alone, relatively speaking, the sacrifices will be greater, and the war will drag on longer, because Japan is a fully armed strong power and will also have its allies. In order to win victory over Japanese imperialism in the shortest possible time and at the lowest cost, China must first realize a domestic united front, and secondly, must strive to extend this united front to include all countries with a stake in peace in the Pacific region.

Q: Under what conditions can China defeat and destroy the strength of Japanese imperialism?

A: Three conditions are required: first, the completion of the Chinese anti-Japanese united front; second, the completion of an international anti-Japanese united front; and third, the rise of revolutionary movements among the Japanese people and the people of Japan's colonies. From the standpoint of the Chinese people, among these three conditions, the great union of the Chinese people is the most important.

Q: How long do you think this war will last?

A: It depends on the strength of the Chinese anti-Japanese united front and many other determining factors in both China and Japan. That is to say, besides mainly depending on China's own strength, the assistance given to China internationally and the aid from the revolution within Japan are also very relevant. If the Chinese anti-Japanese united front develops powerfully and is effectively organized both horizontally and vertically, if the governments and peoples of various countries who recognize Japanese imperialism as a threat to their own interests give China the necessary assistance, and if the revolution in Japan rises swiftly, then this war will end quickly and China will win rapidly. If these conditions cannot be realized quickly, the war will be prolonged. But the outcome will remain the same: Japan will inevitably be defeated, and China will inevitably be victorious. Only the sacrifices will be greater, and a very painful period will have to be endured.

Q: From political and military perspectives, how do you think the prospects of this war will develop?

A: Japan's continental policy has already been set. Those who think that by compromising with Japan and sacrificing a bit more of China's territorial sovereignty they can stop Japan's aggression are merely indulging in fantasy. We know for certain that even the lower reaches of the Yangzi River and the southern ports are already included in the continental policy of Japanese imperialism. Moreover, Japan also intends to occupy the Philippines, Siam, Vietnam, the Malay Peninsula, and the Dutch East Indies, to cut off foreign countries from China, and to monopolize the Southwest Pacific. This is Japan's maritime policy. During such a period, China will undoubtedly find itself in an extremely difficult position. Yet the majority of Chinese people believe that such difficulties can be overcome; only the rich in the major commercial ports are defeatists, because they fear the loss of their property. Many people think that once China's coast is blockaded by Japan, China cannot continue the war. This is nonsense. To refute them, we may cite the war history of the Red Army. In a war of resistance against Japan, the advantages China possesses are far greater than the position of the Red Army during the civil war. China is a vast country. Even if Japan could occupy a region with one hundred to two hundred million people, we would still be far from defeated. We would still have great strength to fight Japan, while Japan would have to constantly conduct defensive battles in its rear throughout the war. The lack of economic unity and imbalance in China is, on the contrary, advantageous for the war of resistance against Japan. For example, cutting off Shanghai from the rest of China

The harm to China cannot possibly be as severe as the harm to the United States if New York were cut off from the rest of America. Even if Japan blockades China's coast, it cannot blockade China's northwest, southwest, and western regions. Therefore, the central issue remains the unity of the entire Chinese people and the establishment of a nationwide united front against Japan. This is what we have long proposed.

Q: If a Sino-Japanese war breaks out, do you think a revolution will occur in Japan?

A: A revolution among the Japanese people is not only possible but certain. It is inevitable.

Q: Do you think the Soviet Union and Outer Mongolia will become involved in this war and support China? Under what circumstances would this happen?

A: Of course, the Soviet Union is not an isolated country. It cannot remain indifferent to events in the Far East or adopt a passive attitude. Will it sit back and watch Japan conquer all of China and turn China into a strategic base for attacking the Soviet Union, or will it help the Chinese people oppose the Japanese aggressors, win independence, and establish friendly relations with the Soviet people? We believe the Soviet Union will choose the latter path.

Once the Chinese people have their own government, begin resisting Japan, and are willing to form friendly alliances with the Soviet Union and other friendly nations, we believe the Soviet Union will stand at the forefront of countries willing to shake hands with us. The struggle against Japanese imperialism is a worldwide task, and as part of the world, the Soviet Union, like Britain and the United States, cannot maintain neutrality.

Q: Is China's urgent task to recover all lost territories from Japan, or merely to drive Japan out of North China and Chinese territory within the Great Wall?

A: China's urgent task is to recover all lost territories, not merely to defend our sovereignty within the Great Wall. That is to say, the Northeast must be recovered. This applies equally to Taiwan. As for Inner Mongolia, it is a region where both Han and Mongolian peoples live together. We must strive to expel Japan from Inner Mongolia and help it establish autonomy. When we have recovered China's lost territories, if the Korean people wish to break free from the chains of Japanese imperialism, we will provide enthusiastic support for their struggle for independence.

Q: If the war drags on and Japan is not completely defeated, could the Communist Party agree to make peace and recognize Japan's rule over the Northeast?

A: No. The Chinese Communist Party, like the entire Chinese people, will not permit Japan to retain even an inch of Chinese territory.

Q: In practical terms, how can the Communist government and the Red Army cooperate with the Kuomintang army in jointly fighting Japan? That is to say, in an external war, all Chinese military forces must be placed under unified command. If the Red Army has representation in the Supreme Military Council, will it agree to obey the Council's military and political decisions?

A: Yes. As long as such a council is genuinely anti-Japanese, our government will wholeheartedly obey its decisions.

Q: Will the Red Army agree not to move its troops into areas occupied by Kuomintang forces, nor to direct its troops toward such areas, without the consent or orders of the Supreme Military Council?

A: Yes. We certainly will not send our troops into any area occupied by anti-Japanese forces—and for some time now, we have not done so. The Red Army will not take an opportunistic approach to exploit any wartime situation.

Q: What demands will the Communist Party make in return for this cooperation?

A: The Communist Party will insist on launching a decisive, final war of resistance against Japan's aggression. In addition, it will demand the implementation of the proposals we have put forward in our calls for the establishment of a democratic republic and a national defense government.

Q: How large a base and how much external support does the Red Army need to wage the War of Resistance against Japan?

A: The Red Army can wage war regardless of the size of its base. However, the larger the base, the stronger the anti-Japanese forces it can naturally mobilize. If we had three or four provinces, we could commit an anti-Japanese force larger and more effective than Nanjing's entire military strength to the war. As for external aid, we need it very much, and the more the better, but even without any outside assistance, we can manage quite well. Without any aid, we have already carried out a decade of revolutionary struggle.

Q: How can the people best be armed, organized, and trained to participate in such a war?

A: The people must have the right to organize and arm themselves. In Beiping, Shanghai, and other places, despite severe repression, students have already begun to organize and prepare themselves politically. However, students and revolutionary anti-Japanese masses still lack freedom and cannot be mobilized, trained, or armed. If the situation were reversed and the people could enjoy economic, social, and political freedoms, then their strength would increase a hundredfold, and the true power of the nation would be revealed.

Through its own struggles, the Red Army won freedom from the warlords and became an invincible force. The anti-Japanese volunteer armies won freedom from Japanese oppressors and armed themselves in the same way. If the Chinese people are all trained, armed, and organized, they too can become an invincible force.

Q: In your opinion, what should be the main strategic principle in this war of liberation?

A: Our strategic principle should be to use our main forces on a vast, fluid, and ever-changing front. For the Chinese army to achieve victory, it must wage highly mobile warfare over an extensive battlefield, advancing and retreating swiftly, concentrating and dispersing rapidly. This means large-scale mobile warfare, not positional warfare relying on deep trenches, layered fortifications, and defensive works alone. This does not mean abandoning all important military points; for such points, positional warfare should be employed when advantageous. But the strategic principle that will transform the overall situation must be mobile warfare. Positional warfare, though necessary, is of a secondary, auxiliary nature. Geographically, with such a vast battlefield, it is possible for us to conduct the most effective mobile warfare. When the Japanese army encounters our vigorous operations, it will be forced to act cautiously. Their war machinery is cumbersome, their movements slow, and their effectiveness limited. If we concentrate our forces on a narrow front to conduct a war of attrition through resistance, we will lose the advantages of geography and economic organization and repeat Abyssinia's mistake. In the early stages of the war, we must avoid all major decisive battles and first use mobile warfare to gradually undermine the enemy army's morale and combat effectiveness.

In addition to deploying trained troops for mobile warfare, we must also organize numerous guerrilla units among the peasants. It must be understood that the anti-Japanese volunteer armies in the three northeastern provinces represent only a small fraction of the latent strength that the nation's peasants can mobilize for the war of resistance. The Chinese peasants have enormous potential, and if properly organized and directed, they can keep the Japanese army busy twenty-four hours a day, wearing them out. It must be remembered that this war is fought in China, meaning that the Japanese forces will be completely surrounded by hostile Chinese people; they will be forced to transport the military supplies they need and guard them themselves; they will have to deploy heavy forces to protect their lines of communication, constantly on guard against attacks; and in addition, a large portion of their strength must be stationed in Manchuria and the Japanese home islands. (From the Chinese edition of *Autobiography of Mao Zedong*, based on Edgar Snow's *Red Star Over China*, certain editions.)

In the course of the war, China will be able to capture many Japanese soldiers and seize large quantities of weapons and ammunition to arm itself. At the same time, by securing foreign aid, the equipment of China's forces will gradually be strengthened. Therefore, in the later stages of the war, China will be able to engage in positional warfare and launch positional attacks on Japanese-occupied territories. Thus, under the prolonged attrition of China's War of Resistance, Japan's economy will near collapse, and through the grinding of countless battles, its morale will flag. On the Chinese side, the potential for resistance will surge daily, and large numbers of revolutionary masses will continuously pour into the front lines to fight for freedom. The combination of all these and other factors will enable us to deliver the final, fatal blow to Japan's strongholds and bases in occupied territories, expelling the Japanese invaders from China.

Japanese officers and soldiers whom we capture and disarm will be treated well. We will not kill them but will treat them as brothers. We will take every measure to encourage soldiers from the Japanese proletariat, with whom we have no conflict, to rise up against their own fascist oppressors. Our slogan will be: "Unite against the common oppressor, the fascist chieftains." Anti-fascist Japanese troops are our friends, and our goals are aligned.

On the United Front
(September 23)

Q: Could you explain the Communist Party's united front policy and its changed attitude toward the Kuomintang government?

A: There are three main factors that led us to decide on the policy announced in our recent declaration.[1] First, the severity of Japan's aggression, which has been intensifying day by day and poses such a great threat that all Chinese forces must unite before it. Apart from the Communist Party, we naturally acknowledge the existence of other parties and forces in China, the most powerful of which is the Kuomintang. Without cooperation, our existing strength would be insufficient to carry out the War of Resistance against Japan. Nanjing must participate. The Kuomintang and the Communist Party are the two major political forces in China; if they continue to fight a civil war now, the result will be detrimental to the anti-Japanese movement.

[1] Refers to the "Letter of the Chinese Communist Party to the Kuomintang of China," dated August 25, 1936.

Second, since August of last year (1935), the Communist Party has been calling, through declarations, for all parties and groups across China to unite against Japan. The popular response to this program has been favorable. Today, the Chinese people and many patriotic officials eagerly hope that the two parties will unite for the goal of national salvation. They ardently desire an end to the civil war. Until this is realized, the anti-Japanese movement will encounter tremendous obstacles.

Third, even within the Kuomintang, there are now many patriots who favor reuniting with the Communist Party. Today, even within the Nanjing government and its army, there are certain anti-Japanese elements who, in view of the nation's peril, are prepared to pursue unity.

These are the principal features of the current situation in China. Because of these features, we must carefully reconsider concrete plans that can make such cooperation in the national liberation movement possible. In fact, such plans have already been put forward in our recent negotiations with the Kuomintang. The basis of unity that we insist upon is the anti-Japanese principle of national liberation. To realize this principle, we believe it is necessary to establish a democratic republic and a national defense democratic government. Its main tasks should be: first, to resist foreign aggressors; second, to grant democratic rights to the broad masses of the people; and third, to accelerate the development of the national economy.

Such a program conforms to the current will of the people and will receive their unanimous support. This is also the reason why the Soviet government favors the establishment of such a unified people's democratic government.

We will support the formation of a representative government with a parliament, an anti-Japanese national salvation government—a government that protects and supports all patriotic forces of the people. If such a republic is established, the Soviet government will become a part of it. Our region will adopt the same measures as other regions in the country to establish a democratic representative government.

Q: Does this mean that the laws of such a government would also be effective in the Soviet districts?

A: Yes.

Preface (on behalf of)
Edgar Snow

Here is a statement:

Mao Zedong's autobiography is presented in the first person, exactly as it was originally produced. However, Mao initially requested that I publish it using the third person. If altered in that way, much of its accuracy and value as a point of interest would be lost.

An American magazine expressed willingness to serialize this autobiography but imposed a condition: it must be published in autobiographical form, not in the form of a third-person biography. At the time, I could not meet with Mao and thus could not obtain his permission. However, if this manuscript could not be published in America merely because of Mao Zedong's modest reluctance, I truly felt the sacrifice would be too great. Therefore, on my own responsibility, I preserved the original autobiographical form. Later, when this manuscript was serialized in *Asia* magazine, it attracted widespread attention and commentary from many quarters.

Finally, the translator feels obliged to briefly inform the readers of a few points:
This biography was dictated by Mao in a cave dwelling in northern Shaanxi. Snow recorded it in English based on Mao's oral account. He later entrusted Mr. Wu Ping with translating the English transcript back into Chinese and requesting Mao to make revisions. Because of this process, Snow is quite confident that this manuscript "contains no inaccuracies."

Many people both in China and abroad have wanted to know Mao Zedong's personal history but have been unable to access it. Snow's work here can genuinely fill this gap in cultural and publishing circles.

Mao said to Snow, "I could simply give you a rough outline of my life; what do you think?" Snow replied, "That is exactly what I was hoping for."

January 1946, in the wartime capital, one day after the opening of the Political Consultative Conference.

A preface to the Chinese translation of *Mao Zedong’s Autobiography*, based on Edgar Snow’s *Red Star Over China*.

Q: Does this mean that the existing laws in the Soviet area, particularly those concerning land issues, will be abolished?

A: If a united front is established with the Nanjing government, this problem can be resolved very easily. Of course, we know that Japan and the pro-Japanese factions in China will strongly oppose this program, as its principles directly conflict with their interests. But the Chinese people will welcome this program, and we believe they will struggle to bring about its realization. Every person with a conscience must see that if this is not done, China will be conquered by Japanese imperialism and will perish.

We know that some members of the Kuomintang are already opposing further capitulation to the Japanese. Just as among our own workers and peasants, organized anti-Japanese patriotic groups have emerged among the broad masses, in all strata of society, and among soldiers, scientists, students, merchants, police, and professionals. We wholeheartedly hope to join hands and cooperate with these groups. We hope these people will form a united force to overwhelm the influence of the pro-Japanese clique. We hope they will help restore and once again realize the fundamental principles Sun Yat-sen practiced during the Great Revolution, namely: (1) alliance with the Soviet Union and all countries that treat us as equals, (2) alliance with the Chinese Communist Party, and (3) protection of the fundamental interests of China’s working class. We hope these people will help fulfill Sun Yat-sen’s testament by opposing Japanese imperialism.

If such a movement develops within the Kuomintang, we are prepared to cooperate with it, give it support, and form an anti-imperialist united front with it, just like the united front that existed from 1924 to 1927. We are deeply convinced that this is the only way to save the nation. If such a program is realized, we need not fear Japan. Japanese imperialism cannot defeat the Chinese people when they are truly united, armed, and organized.

However, at the same time, Japan is also planning to form its own anti-communist front. For the Chinese people, this would in effect be a front for China’s destruction. We want to establish a national liberation front, whose success will mean victory in the anti-Japanese struggle—a victory that, in the final analysis, is also a victory for world peace. Because only by winning such a victory can the Chinese people march forward shoulder to shoulder with all the free peoples of the world.

Q: What is the precise meaning of the “representative” government you speak of? For example, what minimum conditions would you insist on regarding the right to vote?

A: Suffrage should be universal, unrestricted by property, social status, educational level, or sex.

Q: If Nanjing accepts such a program, will the Red Army agree to change its name and submit to higher commands from Nanjing?

A: We recognize that in a war of resistance against Japan, the nation’s armed forces must have a unified command, but we also believe that the military council should be representative. It should be stressed that this point can only be realized on the basis of establishing an anti-Japanese national liberation front. Some Kuomintang elements also talk about “unification,” yet they do not support the national liberation and anti-imperialist movement. In reality, it is very clear that without a genuine anti-imperialist struggle, there can be no national unification.

As for whether the Red Army changes its name or not, that depends on the circumstances of renewed unity.

Q: Does this new policy mean that the Communist Party recognizes that national liberation must first be achieved before the class revolution can be completed?

A: At the present stage, the anti-imperialist movement must be carried through to the end—this is the Communist Party’s current and consistently held principle. So, fundamentally speaking, our emphasis on the anti-Japanese national struggle is not a new argument. At the same time, as we have already pointed out, we believe that only by simultaneously realizing the liberation of the oppressed peasants and Sun Yat-sen’s third principle, namely the protection of the interests of the working people, can the anti-Japanese movement be carried out effectively.

Q: Does the united front policy mean that the Communist Party is willing to give up, or indefinitely postpone, the policy of confiscating landlords’ land and redistributing it to poor, landless peasants?

A: This also depends on the development of the anti-Japanese movement. However, we are deeply convinced that unless the burdens of the peasants are lightened, the anti-Japanese program cannot be realized. The agrarian revolution, as you know, is a revolution of a bourgeois nature. It is conducive to the development of capitalism. We do not oppose the development of capitalism in China at present; what we oppose is imperialism. This principle accords with the demands of all democratic elements in the country, and we wholeheartedly support it.

Q: Would a united front achieved on this basis actually mean an immediate declaration of war on Japan?

A: Yes. It is very likely that today unity is announced, and tomorrow war will break out.