--- Notes

To ensure that the Soviet regime truly serves as a unifying center for all the people, it is imperative that its current policies possess both a clear popular character and a profound national dimension.
Among all Soviet policies, land reform has thus far occupied a central position.
The significance of implementing land revolution lies not only in liberating the eighty percent of the population who are peasants from feudal exploitation but also in mobilizing this vast majority to actively participate in the national liberation movement, thereby strengthening the revolutionary forces of the nation.
Since the November meeting of the Central Political Bureau last year, the Soviet government has introduced several important modifications to its land policy—such as adjustments to the policies concerning rich peasants and small landlords, class differentiation, and decisions on certain specific issues.
These changes have been widely endorsed by the masses and have already yielded tangible results within the Soviet areas.
However, in order to thoroughly eradicate feudal remnants through the implementation of land policy and to establish as broad a united front as possible against Japanese aggression, it remains necessary to further examine existing land policies and make any requisite adjustments.
Accordingly, the Central Committee has reached the following decisions:

1. All land and property belonging to traitors and collaborators with Japan shall be wholly confiscated.

2. Land, grain, housing, and other property owned by the landlord class shall be confiscated without exception.
Following confiscation, however, each household shall still be allocated a plot of arable land along with essential tools and means of production.
The quantity and quality of such plots shall be determined by the majority opinion of the local peasantry.

3. The land holdings of the following categories of small proprietors shall not be confiscated: a) Land owned by independent professionals, technicians, teachers, doctors, students, small merchants, and artisans; b) Land acquired by workers through their own labor and savings; c) Small landlords in extremely poor living conditions; d) Former non-landlords who, having lost their capacity for manual labor, have been compelled to rent out their land; e) Those who lease out their land while simultaneously remaining employed by others.
Should any of the aforementioned small proprietors be found to be traitors or collaborators, they shall be treated accordingly.

4. Land owned by anti-Japanese soldiers and those dedicated to the cause of resistance shall not be subject to confiscation.

5. The land of rich peasants, together with their surplus implements, farm tools, livestock, and other assets, shall likewise remain untouched.
Nevertheless, when a general equalization of all land holdings is carried out in accordance with the basic demands of the peasantry, rich peasants must contribute their share; however, they shall receive land under the same equitable conditions as ordinary farmers.

6. Large-scale agricultural enterprises whose owners primarily rely on hired labor rather than rent-seeking shall, due to the progressive nature of their mode of production, be treated in accordance with the policy applied to rich peasants.
Should the majority of peasants demand an equitable distribution of land, livestock, and grain held by such large agricultural operators, these resources must also be made available for division.

7. When merchants also hold substantial landholdings, their land shall be managed according to standard procedures applicable to landowners; however, their commercial interests shall remain inviolable.

8. Usury is hereby abolished.
The Soviet People’s Government shall promulgate new regulations governing lending, thereby capping interest rates for loans within the Soviet areas.
Commercial lending and mutual borrowing among working people, however, shall not be affected by this prohibition.

9. Leasing of land is permitted within the Soviet regions; yet all landlords, regardless of the circumstances, must abandon all previous exploitative and servile leasing practices and comply strictly with the leasing ordinances issued by the Soviet government, without exception.

10. Living and working conditions for rural laborers should be improved. The Soviet government will formulate and implement special regulations governing agricultural employment.

The above decisions shall take immediate effect in newly established Soviet areas.
In older Soviet regions where land has already been distributed, existing arrangements shall remain unchanged.
Detailed rules and supplementary provisions for the implementation of these decisions will be separately formulated and promulgated by the Central Soviet Government.
The Central Committee • July 11–11, 1936

To the Esteemed Members of the Central Committee of the Kuomintang and, by extension, to all members of the Kuomintang: It has now been over a year since our Party, together with the Soviet government and the Red Army, issued the Declaration on National Resistance Against Japan and National Salvation.
Our Party, the Soviet government, and the Red Army have proposed the formation of a national united front, uniting all parties, factions, and social groups across the country in a common struggle against Japanese aggression.
Although this initiative has garnered support from patriotic leaders and the general populace nationwide, your party and its government have hesitated to adopt it, resulting in the sacred war of national self-defense remaining indefinitely postponed to this day.
Meanwhile, the Japanese aggressors have exploited this vacuum to advance steadily, inch by inch, bringing the nation ever closer to catastrophic ruin.
The entire country finds itself in a state of bewilderment and despair, facing an unprecedented and grave danger—a peril entirely attributable to the erroneous policies of your party and its government.
We now stand at a critical juncture where national extinction looms.
Therefore, our Party feels compelled to issue another urgent appeal to your party: Cease the civil war forthwith, convene a nationwide anti-Japanese united front, and launch the sacred war of national self-defense to repel the imperialist onslaught of Japan, safeguard and restore China’s territorial sovereignty, and rescue our people from dire suffering.
Should you persist in internal strife, failing to turn your guns outward instead of inward, to embrace a policy of resistance rather than concession, to foster unity instead of division, and to achieve cohesion instead of fragmentation, the consequences will be unimaginable.
Moreover, the infamy that shall forever attach itself to your names will be irreparable.
For these reasons, we address you and all members of the Kuomintang with utmost sincerity.

Letter from the Communist Party of China to the Kuomintang

After carefully reviewing the declaration of your Party’s First Plenary Session and Chairman Chiang Kai-shek’s report presented thereat, we conclude that said plenary session has yet to provide a definitive response to the pressing question of national salvation, which occupies the minds of the Chinese people day and night.
Specifically, your Party’s longstanding policy—articulated at the Fifth Plenary Session—that “so long as peace has not reached a point of utter despair, we shall never abandon the pursuit of peace; nor shall we resort to sacrifice until the very last moment”—remains unchanged.
This failure has undoubtedly left patriotic citizens deeply disheartened.
In his report, Chairman Chiang offered a fresh interpretation of this policy, stating: “Our minimum stance in foreign affairs is to preserve the integrity of our territorial sovereignty.
We will never tolerate any infringement upon our territorial rights by any nation.
We shall neither enter into agreements that compromise our sovereignty nor condone any acts that undermine it.
To put it more plainly: if anyone were to force us to sign documents recognizing puppet states or otherwise compromising our territorial integrity, that would signify the onset of despair, and it would be time for us to make the ultimate sacrifice.”
Such clarification was indeed necessary, as the Chinese people have long struggled to discern what constitutes “a period of despair in the quest for peace” versus “the final moment of sacrifice.”
While we acknowledge that Chairman Chiang’s explanation represents some progress compared to earlier formulations, we wholeheartedly welcome this development.
Nonetheless, his remarks fundamentally fail to meet the expectations of the Chinese people.

In his report, the Chairman further asserted that “over the past six months, the diplomatic situation has not reached a stage of hopeless despair.
Rather, there remains a glimmer of hope compared to the preceding period.
It can hardly be said that we have arrived at the final juncture.”
Consequently, he continued to decline to initiate the formation of an anti-Japanese united front and persisted in his policy of appeasement, citing Ethiopia’s defeat as a pretext to justify his reluctance to engage in armed resistance.
This is highly regrettable and falls far short of addressing the legitimate concerns of the Chinese public.
From the perspective of the general populace, the loss of the four northeastern provinces, the near-total subjugation of Chahar, the rampant expansion of the Anti-Communist Autonomous Government in Eastern Hebei, the puppetization of the Hebei-Chahar Political Committee, the deployment of Japanese troops into Hebei and Chahar, the erosion of economic control over North China, the rampant proliferation of illegal smuggling operations nationwide, the collapse of indigenous industries and commerce, the impending bankruptcy of the national treasury, the destruction of customs authority, the widespread establishment of Japanese intelligence agencies throughout North and Northwest China, the large-scale offensive launched by the Japanese-backed Mongolian army against Suiyuan, the subsequent creation of the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Government, the unrestricted flight of enemy aircraft in Chinese airspace, the unchecked activities of Japanese vagrants, the direct and indirect suppression of patriotic student movements and public discourse, the mass slaughter of workers and peasants, and the indignities suffered by countless patriots—soldiers, police officers, journalists, and even many high-ranking officials and government employees of your own party—all underscore the immense losses inflicted upon China’s territorial integrity.
In the eyes of the people, the Shanghai Agreement, the Tanggu Truce, the Ho–Mei Agreement, the North China Anti-Communist Pact, along with numerous other tacit and explicit accords, have collectively resulted in the surrender of territory and rights.
Thus, the Chinese public perceives that peace has long since become untenable, and that the time for decisive action has arrived.
Unless the entire nation, armed with its collective strength, launches a resolute campaign of self-defense, China’s territorial sovereignty will inevitably be lost beyond redemption.
The imperialist scheme to destroy China, orchestrated by Japan, will remain unchanged unless met with a unified and vigorous counterattack mobilizing the full resources of the nation.
The shifting tactics and directions of Japanese aggression, as well as their so-called “economic cooperation,” are not indicative of any genuine cessation of hostilities; rather, they are designed solely to facilitate further encroachment.
Therefore, to assume that, following the invasion of Hebei and Chahar, Japan has temporarily shifted its focus to economic exploitation in the five northern provinces and that this heralds a renewed prospect of peaceful resolution is nothing more than self-deception.
Similarly, the notion that Japanese aggression will halt north of the Yellow River, allowing us to secure a temporary refuge south of the river, is pure fantasy.
Indeed, even as you speak of “not yet reaching a state of despair,” Japanese puppet forces in northern Chahar have already launched a massive offensive against Suiyuan.
With intelligence agencies now entrenched throughout Suiyuan, Ningxia, Inner Mongolia, and Gansu, and with air bases and numerous satellite facilities established in these regions, coupled with the forced installation of a consulate in Sichuan and the ensuing escalation of violence against patriotic compatriots, the situation in North China continues to deteriorate.
Following the recent reinforcement of Japanese forces, the aggressive Japanese military is poised for action.
Even the defenses manned by the 19th Army appear precarious.
Contact between the Communist Party of China and the Kuomintang has grown increasingly fraught.
The military and economic reconnaissance missions dispatched by Japan crisscross the country, penetrating every corner.
Their network of spies extends throughout the nation and infiltrates various organizations affiliated with your party and its government.
All of this unequivocally signals that the threat of Japan’s complete domination over China has reached a critical stage.
Peace is no longer feasible, and armed resistance has become inevitable—this is an indisputable fact.
Your current understanding of the situation is profoundly mistaken.
The declaration of your Party’s First Plenary Session solemnly proclaimed: “The prerequisite for repelling foreign aggression lies in centralizing all national salvation efforts under unified command, harmonizing their actions, and consolidating their ranks.
Therefore, unity and discipline are absolute imperatives for any endeavor aimed at national salvation.
The unification of military and political directives, in particular, constitutes the minimum standard for modern states.”
We fully concur that, in order to unleash the full potential of the nation’s resistance and achieve a comprehensive victory, it is absolutely essential to concentrate and unify all national salvation forces.
As early as the September 18 Incident, our Party, together with the Soviet government and the Red Army, had already called upon the entire nation and its armed forces to wage a sacred national revolutionary war to drive Japanese imperialism from China.
Following the February 28 Incident in Shanghai, our Party, the Soviet government, and the Red Army once again urged all armed units of your party and its government besieging the Soviet areas to immediately cease fire and join forces in a joint resistance against Japan.
Subsequently, in the wake of the North China Incident, we repeatedly advocated for the swift establishment of a broadest possible anti-Japanese united front encompassing all parties, factions, and social groups across the country, urging your party and its government to end the civil war and unite in resistance.
We further proposed the immediate convocation of a National Congress for National Salvation, elected by the people and all willing participants, to deliberate and resolve the strategy for national salvation.
This congress would then proceed to elect a unified national defense government and organize an anti-Japanese coalition, launching a large-scale war of resistance.
We explicitly stated that the Soviet government stood ready to serve as a component of such a defense government, while the Red Army pledged to submit to the supreme command of the anti-Japanese coalition, assuming designated fronts and guaranteeing the successful completion of every combat mission.
All of these proposals advanced by our Party, the Soviet government, and the Red Army are entirely consistent with the aspirations of the Chinese people and represent the only viable path toward national salvation.
Never before has the nation felt such an urgent need to end the civil war, achieve unity, and unite in resistance as it does today.
Only the Japanese aggressors and their proxies would seek to perpetuate China’s division and internal conflict, as this is precisely what enables Japan to realize its ambition of destroying China.
Yet the “centralization and unification” advocated by your Party’s First Plenary Session is fundamentally misguided.
It must be understood that the decade-long civil war and lack of unity are directly attributable to your party’s and its government’s adherence to a series of treasonous policies inspired by imperialism, particularly the consistent policy of non-resistance adopted since the September 18 Incident.
Under the slogan “pacify the interior before repelling external aggression,” your party and its government have engaged in relentless civil strife, repeatedly laid siege to the Soviet Red Army, and mercilessly suppressed patriotic and democratic movements across the nation.
Until recently, you have consistently abandoned the northeast and north China, ignoring the fact that Japanese imperialism is China’s most formidable adversary, while directing all your energies against the Soviet Union and the Red Army, indulging in internecine conflicts within your own camp, obstructing the Red Army’s path to resistance, disrupting its rear lines, disregarding the people’s call for resistance, and depriving them of their fundamental freedoms.
Patriotism has been criminalized; wrongful convictions abound; rewards are offered for betraying the nation; and collaborators celebrate their newfound status.
Under such misguided policies, any attempt to achieve “centralization and unification” is akin to climbing a tree in search of fish—utterly futile and counterproductive.
We hereby warn you: unless you fundamentally alter your current course and redirect your animosity away from your fellow countrymen and toward Japanese imperialism, any effort to maintain the status quo—whether through “centralization and unification” or other rhetoric about “modern governance”—will prove equally futile.
What the Chinese people urgently require is a unified front for national salvation, not a facade of unity constructed to appease foreign powers at the expense of the domestic population.
The people now fervently demand a government genuinely committed to saving the nation and establishing a true democratic republic.
They seek a democratic government that serves their own interests.
The core objectives of such a government must include, first, the ability to repel foreign aggression; second, the provision of democratic rights to the people; and third, the promotion of economic development aimed at alleviating or eliminating the hardships faced by the populace.
If one speaks of a “modern state,” it is precisely these principles that reflect the true aspirations of contemporary China.
Driven by unwavering determination and a deep sense of urgency, the Chinese people are currently striving to realize this vision.
In stark contrast, the policies pursued by your party and its government run counter to these aspirations, rendering any attempt to gain the trust of the people utterly futile.
The Communist Party of China, the Soviet government of China, and the Red Army of China hereby solemnly declare our support for the establishment of a unified democratic republic across the nation, for the convening of a national assembly elected through universal suffrage, and for the organization of a National Congress for National Salvation comprising representatives of the people and the anti-Japanese armed forces.
We affirm that, upon the establishment of a unified democratic republic, the Soviet areas may become integral components thereof, and that delegates from these regions will participate in the national assembly, enjoying the same democratic rights as citizens elsewhere in the country.
We believe that the Defense Council proposed by your Party’s First Plenary Session, as well as the National Assembly currently being convened by your party and its government, are incapable of fulfilling the task of achieving unified resistance and national salvation.
Based on the regulations governing the Defense Council adopted at your plenary session, it is evident that the council is confined to a small circle of officials from your party and its government, serving merely as an advisory body.
Consequently, it is unlikely to produce any meaningful outcomes or earn the trust of the people.
Likewise, the National Assembly that you propose, founded upon the “Draft Constitution of the Republic of China” and the “Organic Law on the National Assembly and the Electoral Law for Deputies,” similarly lacks the capacity to achieve substantive results or garner public confidence, as it essentially functions as an appendage and decorative accessory for a select group of party and government officials.
In contrast, our Party advocates for a National Congress for National Salvation—an entity distinct from both the Defense Council and the National Assembly—which would bring together representatives from all parties, factions, social groups, and armed forces to form a truly authoritative body capable of determining the strategy for national salvation.
From this congress would emerge a unified national defense government, while the National Assembly itself would constitute a national legislative body elected by universal suffrage, serving as the supreme organ of the democratic republic.
Only such a Defense Council and National Assembly could enjoy the widespread support and participation of the people, thereby laying a solid foundation for the noble cause of national salvation.
Otherwise, no amount of eloquent rhetoric will suffice; none will align with the aspirations of the Chinese people.
The repeated failures of the various councils convened by your party and its government stand as compelling evidence of this reality.
At its Second Plenary Session, your party declared: “Obstacles are foreseeable and can be overcome; they should never excuse us from fulfilling our duties.”
Furthermore, it asserted: “Our party bears the responsibility to devote its utmost thought and energy to the fate of the nation and to persevere until the very end.”
Indeed, your party wields governing authority over a vast expanse of Chinese territory, and as such, it cannot shirk its historical and moral obligations.
Under the one-party rule of the Kuomintang government, the party is irrefutably accountable for all past political decisions.
Particularly since the September 18 Incident, your party has repeatedly defied the will of the people and the broader national interest by pursuing policies that have led to the loss of nearly half of China’s territory.
This responsibility cannot be delegated to anyone else.
However, from our perspective and that of the Chinese people, the fact that nearly half of China has fallen victim to your party’s mismanagement underscores the urgent need for you to assume responsibility for restoring our territorial sovereignty.
At the same time, many conscientious members of your party have come to recognize the gravity of national ruin and the irreversible damage caused by your policies.
They have begun to undergo a profound transformation, expressing anger and dissatisfaction toward those elements within your ranks who have betrayed the nation and served Japanese interests.
The Communist Party of China fully sympathizes with this emerging trend and warmly welcomes the patriotic spirit and moral integrity displayed by those Kuomintang members who are preserving and reinvigorating the heroic legacy of the Chinese nation.
We applaud their willingness to sacrifice, innovate, and confront the crisis facing our nation.
We are aware that within your central leadership, provincial party committees, government offices, cultural circles, student communities, scientific and artistic fields, the press, industry, women’s organizations, religious groups, medical professions, law enforcement, and various civic associations—especially among the vast ranks of the military—there exist numerous individuals imbued with a strong sense of patriotism and moral conscience, and that their numbers continue to grow.
This is a highly encouraging development.
The Communist Party of China stands ready to collaborate with these Kuomintang members to forge a robust national united front, opposing Japan—the arch-enemy of the Chinese nation.
We hope that these loyal members will swiftly consolidate their influence within the Kuomintang, effectively countering those who, disregarding the national interest, have become agents of Japanese imperialism or notorious collaborators.
We specifically condemn those who have insulted Mr. Sun Yat-sen and urge them to reclaim the spirit of his Three Principles of the People, reviving his policies of alliance with Russia and the working class, and committing themselves to “pursuing these principles to their logical conclusion,” “carrying forward his revolutionary testament,” and resolutely embracing their responsibility to carry forward Mr. Sun’s revolutionary legacy.
Together with patriotic leaders and citizens from all parties and sectors, we call upon them to join the fight against Japanese imperialism, to save China from imminent peril, to champion the democratic rights of the Chinese people, to alleviate the suffering of the majority through economic development, and to realize the vision of a democratic republic with its own national assembly and government.
The Communist Party of China hereby declares to all members of the Kuomintang: Should you genuinely commit yourselves to these goals, we pledge our unwavering support and stand ready to forge a steadfast revolutionary united front with you—much like the great alliance formed between our two parties during the First Chinese Revolution from 1915 to 1917 against national and feudal oppression.
For it is precisely this path that offers the sole and most effective solution to the challenges of national salvation confronting us today.
Esteemed comrades and all members of the Kuomintang, surely you still recall the glorious history of cooperation between our two parties during that earlier revolution?
Thanks to that collaboration, all forces of national and feudal oppression trembled before us.
Notably, the Japanese imperialists, keenly aware of the potential for a decisive victory and China’s eventual liberation, relentlessly sowed discord and resorted to coercion and enticement, ultimately succeeding in undermining one side of the alliance and sabotaging that historic unity.
Reflecting on these events late at night, one can only sigh with regret.
Today, it is abundantly clear that had the Kuomintang cooperated fully with the Communist Party of China back then, China would not now face the humiliating fate of being carved up and reduced to a mere shadow of its former self; instead, it would have emerged as an independent and free nation!
The Chinese people now ardently desire a renewed partnership between our two parties, driven by an overwhelming sense of shared purpose.
They firmly believe that only through renewed cooperation—with the Communist Party of China and, more broadly, with all parties, factions, and social groups across the country—can true national salvation be achieved.
However, Japanese imperialism and its collaborators will undoubtedly attempt to disrupt this alliance once again, knowing full well that such cooperation poses a mortal threat to their ambitions.
Japan’s so-called “three principles,” centered on “anti-communism,” which it has long proposed to your government, are nothing more than a calculated effort to prevent and undermine any prospect of cooperation with the Communist Party of China.
The question, therefore, remains starkly simple: Shall we align ourselves with Japanese imperialism and its collaborators, thereby forging a “national unity” that amounts to capitulation, or shall we join forces with the Communist Party of China and the Chinese people to build an “anti-Japanese united front”—a true “national salvation” front?
The time for decision has arrived.
Any hesitation or vacillation will only exacerbate the nation’s plight and serve the interests of Japan.
The key to successful cooperation between our two parties rests squarely in your hands.
As your First Plenary Session rightly pointed out, your party bears the ultimate responsibility for the fate of the nation.
If you are genuinely committed to the cause of national salvation, now is the time to make a firm decision.
By the time we find ourselves reduced to the status of slaves, any talk of cooperation will be too little, too late!
As for us, we stand prepared to dispatch our representatives to meet yours at any place and any time, initiating concrete negotiations aimed at swiftly concluding a formal agreement for national salvation, and we are equally resolved to honor and uphold such an accord.
Should our united front succeed, as will the broader national united front involving all parties, factions, and social groups, we and all Chinese citizens shall have the privilege of proclaiming loudly: Let those traitors and all spineless lackeys who cry out before the brutality of Japanese aggression that “China is powerless to resist” take heed!
The descendants of the great Chinese nation swear never to surrender, never to yield!
We shall fight to the last drop of blood for the independence and liberation of the Chinese nation!
China is no Ethiopia!
One day, the 450 million people of the Chinese nation will rise majestically in the East, raising aloft the banner of ultimate victory in the national revolution, joining hands with all free and liberated peoples around the globe—including the Japanese people, except for their imperialist elements—to govern the entire earth!
To preside over a radiant new world!
Let our enemies tremble before our united front; for victory shall surely belong to us!
With deepest respect for the national revolutionary spirit, The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China August 11–15, 1936