Slogans for External Propaganda and the Domestic and International Political Situation in Relation to Comrade Guotao[1]

(May 20, 1936)

Comrades Zhu, Zhang, Liu; Xu, Chen; Ren, He; Xiao, Guan, Xia[2]; and to be forwarded to all leading comrades:

(1) The National Defence Government and the Anti-Japanese Allied Army are to be jointly organized by the Soviet Red Army and its allied friendly forces when the time is ripe, not to be organized by us alone. Our organization remains the Revolutionary Committee and the Soviet.

(2) The current slogans for external propaganda are: Convene a National Congress for Anti-Japanese National Salvation, and establish a National Defence Government and an Anti-Japanese Allied Army. As for the plan for a Northwest National Defence Government, at present it may only be known to senior Party cadres and must be kept secret from the outside.

(3) Regarding the plan for close cooperation between the Red Army and the Northeast Army, so as to advance toward a Great Northwest United Front, establish a Northwest National Defence Government, open a route to the Soviet Union, and conclude mutual assistance treaties against Japan with the Soviet Union and Outer Mongolia, we are currently making arrangements on all fronts—political, military, economic, and diplomatic—both nationally and internationally. We must strictly guard against sabotage and military attacks by the Japanese imperialists and Chiang Kai-shek, and must especially maintain strict secrecy externally.

(4) The Party’s December Political Resolution, the Seventh Political Manifesto, and Comrade Shaoyu’s report at the Seventh International Congress have all won the sympathy and support of the broad masses of people nationwide, including the overwhelming majority of the intelligentsia. The Red Army’s eastern expedition aroused enthusiastic support from the masses in North and Central China. Many anti-Japanese organizations in Shanghai, as well as Lu Xun, Mao Dun, Song Qingling, Qin Zhen, and others, have sent letters expressing support for the Party and the Soviet Central Committee’s propositions. Even Li Jishen issued a telegram of support. Feng Yuxiang advocates resisting Japan and not attacking the Red Army. Within the Nanjing government, a split is occurring and a struggle is underway between the faction that allies with Japan and opposes the Communists and the faction that allies with the Communists and opposes Japan. In Shanghai, there are as many as over thirty openly published political, economic, and cultural journals supporting our propositions, among which the circulation of *Public Life* alone has reached approximately two hundred thousand copies, breaking all historical records, which Chiang Kai-shek is powerless to stop. Ma Xiangbo and He Xiangning led demonstrations on the streets of Shanghai. Many foreign journalists support the anti-Japanese movement. From the Blue Shirts and the Kuomintang to the Nationalist faction, dozens of political factions nationwide are undergoing splits, upheavals, and changes over the question of allying with the Communists to oppose Japan or allying with Japan to oppose the Communists. The united front between our Party and all other parties and factions is being actively formed. All this proves that the development of the Chinese revolution is taking on the form of a tempest.

(5) Internationally, various countries are intensifying their war preparations. Italy has occupied Abyssinia, Germany has occupied the Rhine, and Japan is actively expanding abroad like an arrow on the bowstring. On the other hand, however, the Communist International’s call for a united front has achieved victory in many countries, particularly in France, Czechoslovakia, Spain, and the United States. Four military mutual assistance treaties—Soviet-French, Soviet-Czech, Soviet-Romanian, and Soviet-Mongolian—have already been concluded. The peace front has already gained powerful strength, and Anglo-Soviet relations have also made progress. The Comintern has sent people to contact us three or four times, hoping that we will establish a major situation in the Northwest.

(6) Between us, the undersigned, and Comrade Guotao, there are now no political or strategic differences. Past differences need not be discussed. The sole task is for the entire Party and the entire army to unite as one, opposing Japan and Chiang Kai-shek. We, the undersigned, express our boundless respect for you, our brothers, and for all comrades of the Second and Fourth Front Armies for your arduous struggles, and we unanimously welcome your adoption of the policy of moving north. The relationship between the Central Committee and the Fourth Front Army may, as Brother Tao wishes, temporarily adopt a consultative approach. In short, for the sake of achieving revolutionary victory, all previously unsuitable viewpoints and relationships should be changed, and any prejudices should be cast aside, with harmonious unity and striving struggle as the goal. We hope you, our brothers, will all take cognizance of this.

Lin Yuying, Zhang Wentian, Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai
Bo Gu, Deng Fa, Wang Jiaxiang, Kai Feng
Peng Dehuai, Lin Biao, Xu Haidong, Cheng Zihua

---

[1] This is a telegram jointly signed by Mao Zedong, Lin Yuying (Zhang Hao), Luo Fu (Zhang Wentian), Zhou Enlai, Bo Gu (Qin Bangxian), Deng Fa, Wang Jiaxiang, Kai Feng, Peng Dehuai, Lin Biao, Xu Haidong, and Cheng Zihua, addressed to the leaders of the Red Army General Headquarters and the Fourth Front Army, as well as the leaders of the Second and Sixth Army Corps, among others.

[2] Zhu, Zhang, Liu refer to Zhu De, Zhang Guotao, and Liu Bocheng, who were then respectively the Commander-in-Chief, General Political Commissar, and Chief of General Staff of the Red Army. Xu, Chen refer to Xu Xiangqian and Chen Changhao, who were then respectively the General Commander and General Political Commissar of the Red Army’s Fourth Front Army. Ren, He refer to Ren Bishi and He Long, who were then respectively the Political Commissar of the General Headquarters of the Red Army’s Second and Sixth Army Corps and concurrently Political Commissar of the Second Army Corps, and the General Commander of the General Headquarters and concurrently Commander of the Second Army Corps. Xiao refers to Xiao Ke, who was then the Commander of the Red Army’s Sixth Army Corps. Guan refers to Guan Xiangying, who was then the Deputy Political Commissar of the General Headquarters of the Red Army’s Second and Sixth Army Corps and concurrently Deputy Political Commissar of the Red Army’s Second Army Corps. Xia refers to Xia Xi, Director of the Political Department of the Red Army’s Sixth Army Corps. At that time, Xia Xi had already died in sacrifice, but due to communication difficulties, the Central Committee was not yet aware.