1. Characteristics of the Present Situation
The political situation has now undergone a fundamental change, marking a new period in the history of the Chinese revolution. This is reflected in Japanese imperialism’s attempt to turn China into its colony, as the Chinese revolution prepares to enter a nationwide great revolution at a time when the world stands on the eve of revolution and war.

After annexing the four northeastern provinces, Japanese imperialism has now swallowed the whole of North China and is preparing to engulf all of China, transforming the country from a semi-colony shared by various imperialist powers into a Japanese colony. This is the basic feature of the current situation.

Japanese imperialism, aware that its direct and openly armed occupation of the four northeastern provinces once triggered a nationwide Chinese anti-Japanese upsurge, has this time adopted a more covert approach. It has used the Nanjing Nationalist government to issue orders and appoint certain traitorous Chinese warlords and politicians as its agents in North China, thereby paving the way for direct armed occupation. Though more cunning and vicious than the method used in the "September 18 Incident," this is merely a transitional step toward direct armed occupation and the establishment of a North China state and its puppet government. The puppet government of a second "Manchukuo" is its inevitable outcome.

The numerous warlords, politicians, local gentry, compradors, and banking capitalists—especially the pro-Japanese faction among them—who form the main components of the Chinese traitor and collaborator clique, are the constituent members and backers of this puppet government. Without this large group of traitors and collaborators, Japanese imperialism could not so smoothly turn China into its colony.

Japanese imperialism’s annexation of North China and its preparations to swallow all of China have delivered a great calamity of national subjugation and racial annihilation to the 400 million people of the Chinese nation. This calamity compels all Chinese who refuse to become slaves to a lost nation or traitors and collaborators to take the only path available: waging a sacred national war against Japanese imperialism and its running dogs—the traitors and collaborators. All patriotic Chinese, fighting to the bitter end to defend their country, are the inevitable response that Japanese imperialism will encounter on its reckless venture to destroy another nation and its people.

After swallowing the relatively smaller "bomb" of the four northeastern provinces, Japanese imperialism is now setting about swallowing the vastly larger "bomb" of China proper. Its act of independently annexing China has intensified the contradictions among the imperialist powers to an unprecedented degree. The imperialists, each pursuing their own imperialist aims, are irreconcilably opposed to Japanese imperialism. The Pacific War is an inevitable outcome. Britain, however, seeks certain concessions and compromises from Japan so that it can direct its main strength against its principal enemies—the Soviet Union, the United States, and Italy.

Japanese imperialism’s annexation of China proper is hastening the weakening and collapse of China’s counterrevolutionary rule, first and foremost the rule of the arch-traitor Chiang Kai-shek. His consistent policy of betraying the country has not only cost him certain social support and popular foundations but has also shrunk his territorial sphere. Protracted struggle against the Soviets, especially the fifth “encirclement and suppression” campaign and the pursuit of the Central Red Army, has depleted, exhausted, and scattered his forces. The illusion of unifying China under fascism has been finally and utterly shattered. The Fifth National Congress of the Kuomintang was, in effect, a profit-sharing conference detrimental to Chiang Kai-shek. He can only rely more heavily on selling out China to sustain his moribund rule, yet his betrayals only hasten his regime’s march toward extinction. These circumstances also deepen the contradictions and conflicts between the Chiang-led warlords and other warlords, increasing the likelihood of an outbreak of anti-Chiang warfare in new forms and with new characteristics.

Japanese imperialism’s annexation of China coincides with a period when the Chinese Soviet movement is shifting into a new phase. Since the Central Red Army withdrew from the Central Soviet Area and some Soviet areas in the lower Yangtze region suffered partial losses, the present moment is one of new victories by Red Army forces in various regions, the creation of new base areas, the beginning of counteroffensives in guerrilla warfare in old Soviet areas, and a phase of vigorous new guerrilla warfare. The difficult juncture has been overcome. In eleven months, the Central Red Army traversed 25,000 *li* on the Long March, defeating Chiang Kai-shek’s protracted pursuit and proclaiming the bankruptcy of the imperialists’ and their running dog Chiang Kai-shek’s encirclement, pursuit, obstruction, and interception tactics. It set a record unmatched in the annals of long-distance expeditions. Acting as a propaganda team, it showed the path to relieve suffering, save the nation, and fight for survival to over 100 million people across the eleven provinces it swept through; acting as a seed-sower, it spread many revolutionary seeds. After its rendezvous with the 25th, 26th, and 27th Armies, the Central Red Army’s thorough shattering of the enemy’s third “encirclement and suppression” campaign against the Shaanxi-Gansu Soviet Area further demonstrated the arrival of a new period for the Soviet movement. This convergence with the new overall revolutionary situation makes this movement an important component of the new phase of the Chinese revolution. It indicates that, within the great force of the entire Chinese people opposing Japanese imperialism’s bandit-like annexation and striving to save China from the calamity of national subjugation and racial annihilation, the Soviet Red Army stands as an ironclad, backbone force.

Japanese imperialism’s annexation of China has once again aroused the Chinese people, making them aware of the imminent danger of national subjugation and racial annihilation, and has stirred up a new upsurge in the national revolution. This upsurge is born out of countless temperings in the history of the Chinese revolution—chiefly the Great Revolution of 1925–1927—and arises under conditions where China now possesses Soviet revolutionary base areas and a revolutionary situation, on the eve of a new cycle of world revolution and war, and at a time when the Soviet Union already has every capability to defeat aggressor nations and assist oppressed peoples. It therefore emerges with qualities that are exceptionally broad, exceptionally resolute, and inherently interacting with and mutually reinforcing world revolutionary factors.

Undoubtedly, this new anti-Japanese national revolutionary upsurge has not only awakened even the more backward strata of the national working class and peasantry, prompting them to actively join the revolutionary struggle, but has also drawn the broad masses of the petty bourgeoisie and intellectuals into the revolution. The total collapse of China’s national economy, with millions upon millions unemployed and landless, and millions upon millions of disaster victims and refugees, has further closely linked this new anti-Japanese national revolutionary upsurge with the daily struggles of the masses for survival and salvation. This has greatly expanded the mass base of the national revolutionary camp. Revolutionary indignation among broad sections of the populace is brewing everywhere in China and has already begun to manifest itself once again in the widespread student anti-Japanese demonstrations in major cities. Within the counterrevolutionary camp, there is new vacillation, division, and conflict. A portion of the national bourgeoisie, many rural rich peasants and small landlords, and even some warlords may adopt a stance of sympathy, neutrality, or even participation toward the newly commenced national movement. The national revolutionary front has expanded.

The world today is in a prelude of great revolution and great war. The economic crises in all imperialist nations, and the revolutionary crises arising from them, leave imperialism with no path to avert its doom other than war. The large-scale invasions of China by Japanese imperialism and of Abyssinia by Italian imperialism as reckless war ventures undoubtedly carry the danger of sparking a second imperialist world war. Meanwhile, the national revolutionary wars of China and Abyssinia, and the maturing revolutionary crises in many colonies and imperialist countries themselves, will inevitably lead to a world great revolution. In this present eve of revolution and war, it is already evident that world counterrevolutionary forces are weakening while world revolutionary forces are growing. In the future, the great war and great revolution will bury all counterrevolution in the world. This situation has freed the Chinese revolution from its past isolation. The world revolution serves as a powerful ally to the Chinese revolution; at the same time, the Chinese revolution has already become a great factor in the world revolution and, in the future, will aid the world revolution with the full majestic might of the entire nation. This applies equally to the relationship between Japan and China. The Japanese workers and peasants, along with oppressed peoples (in Korea and Taiwan), under the leadership of the powerful Japanese Communist Party, are preparing great forces to struggle for the overthrow of Japanese imperialism and the establishment of a Soviet Japan. This brings together the Chinese revolution and the Japanese revolution on the common basis of the goal of “overthrowing Japanese imperialism.” The revolutionary masses of Japan are powerful allies to the revolutionary masses of China. The same holds true for the Soviet Union. Today’s Soviet Union possesses the strength to defeat any imperialism that dares to open fire on it (with the Second Five-Year Plan nearing completion and the Red Army’s power evident). While Japanese imperialism actively provokes the Soviet Union, the USSR is prepared to strike at this aggressor, having exhausted all peaceful means and repeatedly proposed a non-aggression treaty to Japan to no avail. This converges the struggles of the Chinese revolution, the Japanese revolution, and the Soviet Union’s resistance to aggressors onto the common basis of the goal of overthrowing Japanese imperialism. The Soviet Union is the most powerful ally of the Chinese revolution.

The Chinese revolution finds itself in favorable circumstances and possesses a bright and splendid future. However, the principal enemy of the Chinese revolution—imperialism, and especially the currently rampaging Japanese imperialism—has prepared the determination and strength to deal with the Chinese revolution. On the side of the Chinese counterrevolutionary clique, because their ruling power has further weakened, they are forced to act more as jackals in cahoots with the tiger, throwing themselves upon the utterly evil Japanese imperialism to launch desperate attacks and a final struggle against the revolutionary masses. Viewing this situation together with the still-existing reality of uneven development of the Chinese revolution, one can see that the Chinese revolution retains a protracted character. This signals to the revolutionary masses of China and their leader, the Communist Party: Prepare for a protracted struggle against the enemy over a long period and gear up for arduous work! Without a revolutionary army of tens or hundreds of millions, the enemy cannot ultimately be defeated. All strategies, all efforts, must be directed toward organizing millions upon millions of the populace and entering them onto the great battlefield of the national revolution. Preparing a great force is preparing the news of a decisive victory.

2. The Party’s Tactical Line
The current situation tells us that Japanese imperialism’s act of annexing China has shaken all of China and the entire world. The various classes, strata, political parties, and armed forces in China’s political life are once again changing and are in the process of changing their interrelationships with one another. The national revolutionary front and the national counterrevolutionary front are undergoing realignment. Therefore, the Party’s tactical line is to mobilize, rally, and organize all revolutionary forces of the entire nation and the whole Chinese people to oppose the main enemies of the present moment: Japanese imperialism and the arch-traitor Chiang Kai-shek. Regardless of who they are, what faction they belong to, what armed force they represent, or what class they come from—as long as they oppose Japanese imperialism and the traitor Chiang Kai-shek—they should all unite to wage a sacred national revolutionary war, expel Japanese imperialism from China, overthrow the rule of Japanese imperialism’s lackeys in China, achieve the complete liberation of the Chinese nation, and safeguard China’s independence and territorial integrity. Only the broadest anti-Japanese national united front (both lower and upper levels) can defeat Japanese imperialism and its running dog, Chiang Kai-shek.

Of course, different individuals, different groups, different social classes and strata, and different armed units participate in the anti-Japanese national revolution with varying motives and standpoints. Some seek to preserve their original positions; some seek to wrest leadership of the movement so as to ensure it does not exceed the bounds they can tolerate; and some genuinely strive for the complete liberation of the Chinese nation. Precisely because their motives and standpoints differ, some will waver and betray at the onset of the struggle, some may become passive or withdraw from the front midway, and some are willing to struggle to the very end. However, our task is not only to unite all possible basic forces for anti-Japanese resistance, but also to unite all possible anti-Japanese allies. It is to ensure that all people across the nation contribute their strength—those able to contribute effort, contribute effort; those with money, contribute money; those with guns, contribute guns; those with knowledge, contribute knowledge—so that not a single patriotic Chinese is left outside the anti-Japanese front. This is the Party’s broadest national united front, the general tactical line. Only with such a line can we mobilize the strength of the entire people to confront the public enemy of the whole nation: Japanese imperialism and the arch-traitor Chiang Kai-shek.

China’s working class and peasantry remain the basic driving force of the Chinese revolution. The broad masses of the petty bourgeoisie and revolutionary intellectuals are reliable allies in the national revolution. The solid alliance of workers, peasants, and the petty bourgeoisie forms the basic force capable of defeating Japanese imperialism and the traitors and collaborators. As for a portion of the national bourgeoisie and warlords—regardless of their disagreements with the land revolution and the Soviet system—when they adopt a stance of sympathy, benevolent neutrality, or direct participation in the struggle against Japan and the traitorous collaborators, it is beneficial to the expansion of the anti-Japanese front, because it weakens the overall counterrevolutionary force while expanding the overall revolutionary force. To achieve this goal, the Party should adopt various appropriate methods and means to win these forces over to the anti-Japanese front.

Moreover, even within the camp of the landlord and comprador classes, there is no complete unity. Since China's past has been shaped by the mutual rivalry of many imperialist powers within its territory, this has given rise to various traitorous cliques aligned with different imperialist powers, each competing for influence in China. The Party should employ a variety of tactics to exploit the contradictions and conflicts among them, temporarily positioning certain counter-revolutionary forces in a state where they do not actively oppose the anti-Japanese front.

The same strategy applies to other imperialist powers aside from Japanese imperialism.

When the Party mobilizes, rallies, and organizes the strength of the entire Chinese people to oppose the public enemy of the whole nation, it must resolutely and unwaveringly combat all tendencies toward vacillation, compromise, capitulation, and betrayal within the anti-Japanese united front.

All those who undermine the Chinese people's anti-Japanese movement are traitors and collaborators and should be attacked by all.

The Communist Party must, through its own active, thorough, and correct words and actions of opposing Japan, traitors, and collaborators, win for itself the leadership role in the anti-Japanese front.

Only under the leadership of the Communist Party can the anti-Japanese movement achieve complete victory.

The broad masses within the anti-Japanese front should have their basic interests satisfied—their demands, such as the peasants' demand for land and the workers, poor peasants, soldiers, and intellectuals' demand for improved living conditions. Only by satisfying these demands can the broad masses be mobilized to join the anti-Japanese front, can the anti-Japanese movement gain sustainability, can it achieve complete victory, and only thus can the Party secure leadership in the anti-Japanese movement.

3. The National Defense Government and the Anti-Japanese Allied Forces: The broadest and highest form of the anti-Japanese and anti-traitor national united front is the organization of the National Defense Government and the Anti-Japanese Allied Forces. Due to the existence of elements who oppose Japan and traitors but do not agree with the Soviet system and the agrarian revolution, due to the state of regional separatism resulting from political and economic imbalances, due to the fact that the Chinese Soviet regime has so far achieved victory only in part of China's territory, and furthermore due to the seriousness of national counter-revolutionaries such as traitors and collaborators acting as accomplices to Japanese imperialism, the organization of the National Defense Government and the Anti-Japanese Allied Forces is not only possible but also necessary.

The ways in which the Chinese people oppose Japan and traitors are diverse, and the levels of political awareness among those participating in the anti-Japanese struggle are also inconsistent.

Communist Party members should not let slip any opportunity to initiate, organize, and lead struggles in various forms and at various levels, guiding these struggles toward the stage of the National Defense Government and the Anti-Japanese Allied Forces.

All elements who oppose Japan and traitors, regardless of the class, political faction, social group, or armed force they represent, may participate in the National Defense Government and the Anti-Japanese Allied Forces.

The National Defense Government is the political organ of the united front of all forces in China that oppose Japan and traitors, and it serves as the unified leading body for the national revolutionary war against Japan and traitors.

In terms of class significance, it is an alliance of all classes under the common goal of opposing Japan and traitors.

In order to rapidly organize the National Defense Government and the Anti-Japanese Allied Forces, and to provide them with a broader mass base and armed strength, the Communist Party's strategy is not to wait until spontaneously formed anti-Japanese people's organizations and anti-Japanese armed forces already exist before organizing them. Instead, it is to guide its Party members to work from all directions to promote the mobilization of all patriotic individuals, organizations, classes, strata, parties, production and commercial groups, cultural and educational groups, students and teachers, new-style and old-style, social and political groups, forces of the workers and peasants, the petty bourgeoisie, the national bourgeoisie, in cities, in the countryside, armed forces, and so on, to initiate a variety of anti-Japanese and anti-traitor organizations (such as anti-Japanese associations, anti-Japanese federations, etc.), organize various anti-Japanese and anti-traitor armies (such as anti-Japanese volunteer armies, people's revolutionary armies, a new Nineteenth Route Army, etc.), establish governments (county, district, and municipal anti-Japanese governments, people's revolutionary governments, etc.), and bring together these organizations, armies, and governments, adding to them the strength of the Soviets and the Red Army—this is the organization of the National Defense Government and the Anti-Japanese Allied Forces.

After the establishment of the National Defense Government and the Anti-Japanese Allied Forces, in the course of their operations, they must daily work to mobilize new organizations, new local governments, and new armies, while continuously purging vacillating and traitorous elements and constantly absorbing new forces, ensuring that the National Defense Government and the Anti-Japanese Allied Forces are not decayed but full of vitality, not weak but possessing formidable fighting strength.

In certain localities where, due to the weakness of Party strength, the local anti-Japanese government and anti-Japanese allied forces have arisen spontaneously without promotion and leadership by the Party, or where they are far from the Red Army and Soviet areas and thus lack participation by the Soviets and the Red Army, the Party there should likewise actively assist, support, and participate.

This is the concrete working path for the Communist Party to realize the National Defense Government and the Anti-Japanese Allied Forces.

Because the National Defense Government and the Anti-Japanese Allied Forces represent the broadest and highest form of the anti-Japanese and anti-traitor national united front, they should have the broadest action program.

This program is as follows: 1. Resist Japan, save the nation, and recover lost territories.

2. Confiscate all property belonging to Japanese imperialism in China to serve as funds for the anti-Japanese effort.

3. Confiscate all land and property of traitors and collaborators and distribute them to the workers, peasants, disaster victims, and refugees.

4. Provide disaster relief, control flooding, and stabilize the people's livelihood.

5. Abolish all exorbitant taxes and miscellaneous levies and develop industry, agriculture, and commerce.

6. Increase wages and pay, and improve the living conditions of workers, soldiers, and teaching staff.

7. Develop education and provide relief for students who have lost the opportunity to study.

8. Realize democratic rights and release all political prisoners.

9. Develop production technology and provide relief for unemployed intellectuals.

10. Unite with the workers and peasants of Korea, Taiwan, and Japan, as well as all oppressed masses, to form a solid alliance.

Establish close and friendly relations with nations or countries that express sympathy for, support, or maintain benevolent neutrality toward the Chinese national movement.

The Communist Party must strive for the realization of these programs in the course of the anti-Japanese struggle, and through these programs, seek to realize the Party's Ten-Point Program.

The broadest anti-Japanese and anti-traitor united front of the Soviet Republic holds special significance today, as the Soviets have already achieved victory in many parts of China. This is fundamentally different from the period of the First Great Revolution (1925–27). In the nine years since then, the Soviet movement led by the Communist Party has won victories in many parts of China, providing a fundamental force for the new anti-imperialist upsurge, giving the people of the entire nation hope, providing a living example of how to win freedom, liberation, and independence from the imperialists and traitors, giving the broadest national united front its most solid foundation and base areas, ensuring that it can persist to complete victory in the new great revolution, and providing the National Defense Government and the Anti-Japanese Allied Forces with a central pillar.

In order to give the national united front a broad and powerful foundation, the Soviet Workers' and Peasants' Republic and its Central Government declare that they are transforming themselves into the Soviet People's Republic and adapting many aspects of their policies—the policies of the Soviet Workers' and Peasants' Republic—to better suit the conditions of opposing Japanese imperialism's attempt to turn China into a colony.

These policy changes, first and foremost, demonstrate more fully that the Soviets themselves represent not only the workers and peasants but also the Chinese nation.

The basic interests of the Chinese nation lie in China's freedom, independence, and unification, and these basic interests can only be secured, maintained, and thoroughly defended against the enemies opposing these interests—the imperialists and traitors—under the resolute orientation of the Soviets.

The Soviet People's Republic declares its willingness to rally the broad masses of the petty bourgeoisie around itself. It is willing to grant the right to vote and to be elected to all revolutionary elements of the petty bourgeoisie.

For all urban and rural small-capital industry and commerce that are oppressed by imperialism and the Chinese counter-revolutionaries, the Soviets will do everything within the scope of their policies and power to protect them.

The Soviets long ago abolished all the exorbitant taxes and miscellaneous levies of the Guomindang warlords and declared a unified progressive tax that benefits all small producers.

The Soviet People's Republic declares: All intellectuals who sympathize with opposing Japan and traitors, regardless of whether they were formerly members of the Guomindang or worked in the Guomindang government, can enjoy preferential treatment from the Soviet government. The Soviets will provide them with work, relieve their unemployment, and give them opportunities to develop their talents in culture, education, art, science, and technology.

All intellectuals, writers, artists, scientists, technical personnel, and journalists who have been expelled, despised, or mistreated by Japanese imperialism and the traitorous Guomindang government will be granted the right of refuge by the Soviets. All such individuals may come to the Soviet areas; all revolutionary intellectuals, writers, artists, scientists, technical personnel, and journalists, regardless of whether their origins are landlords, rich peasants, or capitalists, will be granted the right to vote and to be elected by the Soviets.

The Soviet People's Republic declares: All officers (regardless of rank) and soldiers of the White armies who are willing to oppose Japan and traitors are entitled to preferential treatment from the Soviets. For all unemployed military personnel who have been excluded or dismissed by the traitorous Guomindang government, the Soviet Red Army is willing to provide them with work. Even those who have fought against the Red Army, once disarmed, will receive preferential treatment regardless of whether they are officers or soldiers. Those who are wounded will all receive medical care. All officers and soldiers of the White armies who are willing to serve in the Red Army with dedication to the cause of overthrowing Japanese imperialism and its running dog traitors will be granted the right to vote and to be elected by the Soviets.

The Soviet People's Republic and its Red Army propose to all individuals and groups, political factions, and armed forces across the country who are willing to participate in the cause of overthrowing Japanese imperialism and its running dog traitors that they jointly organize a National Defense Government and Anti-Japanese Allied Forces. Regardless of the type of armed force, the Soviets and the Red Army are willing to conclude agreements with them to resist Japan and suppress traitors, as the Soviet Red Army did in the past when it signed an anti-Japanese and anti-Chiang Kai-shek agreement with the Nineteenth Route Army. However, in the past, the Red Army failed to promptly provide direct military assistance to the Nineteenth Route Army (and the Nineteenth Route Army likewise failed to actively request it) to crush Chiang Kai-shek's attack on Fujian—this was mistaken. In the future, for all friendly armies that resist Japan and suppress traitors, we must do everything possible to provide substantive assistance, even to the point of directly coordinating operations. To achieve the goal of defeating the common enemy, the Soviet Red Army requires not only its own victories and development but also the victories and development of its allied friendly forces.

The Soviet People's Republic alters its policy toward the rich peasants. The property of rich peasants shall not be confiscated, and their land, except for that portion which involves feudal exploitation, shall not be confiscated regardless of whether it is self-cultivated or cultivated by hired labor. In villages where equal distribution of all land is carried out, rich peasants have the right to receive land equivalent to that of poor and middle peasants.

The Soviet People's Republic adopts a more lenient policy than in the past toward national industrial and commercial capitalists. Under conditions beneficial to both sides, they are welcome to invest and establish factories and shops within the territory of the Soviet People's Republic, and the safety of their property will be protected. Tax and rental conditions will be reduced, with the aim of developing China's economy. In areas occupied by the Red Army, all industrial and commercial enterprises that are beneficial to the anti-Japanese and anti-traitor movement will be protected. Through these actions, the people of the entire nation will understand that the Soviet People's Republic is not merely a place of political freedom but also the best place for the development of China's industry and commerce.

The Soviet People's Republic declares to the overseas Chinese: It praises their historically patriotic acts of supporting the Chinese revolution. Although Chiang Kai-shek and his clique have long since betrayed the revolution, the Soviet People's Republic and the patriotic people of the entire nation carry forward the heroic cause that began with the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom. They are determined to rescue China from peril and to place it on the path to prosperity and strength. On the day when the Soviet People's Republic achieves nationwide victory, the overseas Chinese will attain liberation. All the policies by which the Guomindang government has reduced the overseas Chinese to the condition of slaves and beasts of burden shall be thoroughly eradicated and replaced with active policies to protect the overseas Chinese. At present, all overseas Chinese compatriots who are being excluded or expelled by Japanese imperialism and other imperialist countries will be granted the right of refuge by the Soviets, and overseas Chinese compatriot capitalists are welcome to come to the Soviet areas to develop industry and commerce.

All these policy changes serve one fundamental purpose: to defeat Japanese imperialism and its running dog traitors, to achieve the freedom, liberation, and independence of the Chinese nation, and to strive for revolutionary victory throughout the country.

In order to smoothly carry out these policies, to swiftly engage in combat against Japanese imperialism, and to ensure the leadership role in the national united front, the Party and the Soviets have remained consistent from the very beginning. However, it is necessary to work even harder to align these policies more closely with the requirements of the national united front. This means expanding the anti-Japanese Red Army, expanding the anti-Japanese guerrilla forces, expanding the territory of the Soviet People's Republic as an anti-Japanese base area, smashing the attacks of the traitor armies, clearing the path for anti-Japanese efforts, consolidating the anti-Japanese rear area, thoroughly resolving the land question, winning over the majority of the workers and peasants, winning over the soldiers of the traitor armies and Japanese imperialism, proposing the formation of a common struggle alliance to the minority nationalities, carrying out a flexible foreign policy, and so on.

The Red Army is the vanguard of anti-Japanese resistance. Only the expansion, strengthening, and skillful utilization of this vanguard can guarantee the victory of the anti-Japanese war. The slogan of struggling to expand the Red Army to one million must now be closely linked to the pressing timing of the anti-Japanese war, as the task of saving the nation from peril cannot be delayed.

To defeat Japanese imperialism and its lackeys, the Chinese traitors, it is necessary to expand the Red Army by several million, beginning with an expansion of one million.

The active effort of every Red commander, fighter, local cadre, and Soviet personnel, as well as the revolutionary people across the entire nation, toward this task is of great importance.

The improvement of the Red Army’s technical conditions, advancements in technical and tactical education, the deepening and universalization of political work, the centralized leadership of the Revolutionary Military Committee, the assurance of material supplies, and especially the adherence to correct principles in strategic and campaign command—opposing adventurism in attack, conservatism in defense, and flightism in retreat—are all indispensable conditions for defeating the enemy.

Guerrilla warfare should be developed nationwide, with a focus on areas occupied by Japanese imperialism, adjacent regions, the regions controlled by the traitor Chiang Kai-shek, the Soviet areas that serve as Red Army bases for resisting Japan, and their surrounding territories.

All guerrilla forces should present themselves under the banner of a national war and closely integrate with the agrarian revolution of the peasant masses.

To enable guerrilla warfare to play a strategically significant role in the struggle against Japan and the traitors, the Party must ensure that guerrilla forces become the creators of anti-Japanese base areas in Soviet regions. In all areas where guerrilla forces operate, anti-Japanese revolutionary regimes—county, district, and township anti-Japanese governments, revolutionary committees, and even Soviets—that break away from the rule of Japanese imperialism and the traitors must be established. Guerrilla forces must rapidly expand into anti-Japanese revolutionary armies. Revolutionary youth, students, and soldiers swept up in the anti-Japanese wave must be drawn in large numbers into guerrilla warfare. Guerrilla forces led by the Party and those not under Party leadership should be unified on a common basis.

To defeat Japanese imperialism and its lackeys, the Chinese traitors, it is impossible to succeed without expanding the territory of the Soviet People’s Republic, that is, the anti-Japanese Red Army’s base areas.

Only by transforming large tracts of land under the rule of the traitors into Soviet territory can the Red Army have support and the war of resistance against Japan have a rear area.

In Soviet territory, every effort must be made to achieve a high degree of perfection in all work, to implement correct policies, and to consolidate it with iron-like strength, making it a place that the people of the entire nation admire, cherish, and seek to emulate.

Any attempts by the traitor armies to attack such anti-Japanese base areas and model regions of people’s regimes shall be struck without mercy, crushed, and destroyed. This struggle against counterrevolutionary offensives is the responsibility not only of the anti-Japanese Red Army and the anti-Japanese people in the Soviet areas but also of the anti-Japanese people throughout China.

The Party should call upon all anti-Japanese people across China and the Soviet areas to fight to defend their own base areas, to oppose the traitors’ efforts to disrupt the rear of the war of resistance against Japan, and to oppose the traitors’ attempts to block the Red Army’s path forward.

Uniting China’s civil war with the national war is a fundamental principle guiding the Party in revolutionary warfare. To defeat Japanese imperialism and its lackeys, the traitors, it is impossible to succeed without the resolute struggle of the vast majority—millions upon millions—of workers, peasants, soldiers, the poor, and revolutionary masses under the rule of Japan and the traitors.

The anti-Japanese and anti-traitor national united front of the Party, the Soviets, and the Red Army must be extended to all places where there are masses. All mass struggles must be elevated from the primary level to the higher level, from the local to the national, and from their ordinary intensity to the level of establishing anti-Japanese and anti-traitor political power and armed forces.

Only by combining the struggles both within and outside the territory of the Soviet People’s Republic can Japanese imperialism and its lackeys, the traitors, be defeated.

To defeat Japanese imperialism and its lackeys, the traitors, it is impossible to succeed without winning over the majority of the working class.

In major enterprises within key cities, strong bulwarks must be established. All open and semi-open possibilities must be utilized to build broad mass organizations. Proceeding from an assessment of specific circumstances and with the perspective of securing victory—no matter how small—we must initiate, organize, and lead the economic and political struggles of the working masses, while paying attention to protecting and educating cadres within enterprises.

Amass the formidable strength of the working masses in preparation for the decisive battle.

Winning the leadership of the working class in the Chinese revolution is the fundamental principle of the Party in the workers’ movement.

To defeat Japanese imperialism and its lackeys, the traitors, it is impossible to succeed without winning over the peasants, who make up 80 percent of China’s population, to join the battlefront.

The Communist Party and the Soviets must satisfy the peasants’ land demands and struggle to thoroughly resolve the land question and eliminate feudal oppression in the countryside.

Only in this way can tens of millions, even hundreds of millions, of peasant masses be mobilized and armed to march onto the front of resisting Japan and punishing the traitors. Only in this way can the national revolutionary war receive an inexhaustible supply of reinforcements. Only in this way can the peasants—the primary target of plunder by Japanese imperialism and China’s national counterrevolutionaries—be transformed into a Chinese national revolutionary army opposing that plunder.

In areas occupied by Japan and their surrounding regions, the first step is to confiscate the land and property of traitors and distribute them to the peasants. Then, in the course of the struggle, relying on the people’s own experience, the struggle should be deepened to carry out a thorough resolution of the land question.

The Party’s fundamental principle is to integrate the agrarian revolution with the national revolution. Without the support of soldiers, it is also impossible to defeat Japanese imperialism and the millions-strong armies of China’s traitors.

We must carry out work among soldiers on a broad mass foundation. The Party should call upon all people in the Soviet areas and the White areas, all Red Army soldiers and guerrilla fighters, to strive for the disintegration of the traitors’ armies. With millions upon millions unwilling to become slaves of a conquered nation earnestly persuading, friends and family appealing, letters reproaching, and slogans inspiring the hundreds of thousands and millions of soldiers and officers likewise unwilling to become slaves—few can fail to be moved.

Our slogan is: Chinese must not fight Chinese!

Workers, peasants, merchants, students, and soldiers, unite and arm yourselves to defend China! The Red Army and the White Army, unite to overthrow Japanese imperialism and the traitors!

For those who wish to return home, provide travel expenses; for those who wish to farm, distribute land; for those who wish to resist Japan, join the Red Army or the volunteer forces!

The Soviet People’s Republic, through its own example and sincere slogans, shows oppressed peoples such as the Mongols and the Hui: Form your own nations, unite, and strike down this enemy!

The foreign policy of the Soviet People’s Republic is founded on not forgoing any possible effort to win victory against Japanese imperialism and China’s traitors. It will carry out necessary understandings, compromises, the establishment of diplomatic relations, and the negotiation of alliance treaties with all countries, parties, and even individuals who oppose Japanese imperialism and its lackeys, the traitors.

The Soviet People’s Republic and its government do not shoot arrows randomly without a target. The Soviet government is willing to establish friendly relations with any party that seeks, for its own interests, to simultaneously benefit the Soviet People’s Republic’s struggle against Japan and the traitors. All policies, all efforts, are for the victory against Japan and the traitors. Anything contrary to this goal is to be rejected. This is the strategic line of the Communist Party and the Soviets.

The primary danger within the Party is closed-doorism. To defeat the Chinese people’s public enemy—Japanese imperialism and its lackeys, the traitors—Communist Party members must go deep among the masses to participate in and lead all mass struggles, both national and class-based.

The key here lies in employing a broad united front.

A broad united front serves, on the one hand, to concentrate the greatest forces against the foremost enemy, and on the other, to enable the broad masses, through their own political experience, to understand the correctness of the Party’s propositions and to win them over to the Party’s banner.

It is essential to have a deeper understanding of the issue of revolutionary leadership. For the Communist Party to achieve leadership in the Chinese revolution, Party propaganda and agitation alone are insufficient. Party members must demonstrate in all practical actions and daily struggles that they are leaders of the masses.

Knowing only how to work among the lower ranks of the masses is necessary but insufficient. One must also know how to negotiate, consult, compromise, and make concessions with the upper-level leaders of other parties and factions who maintain ties with the lower ranks, in order to win over those among them who might continue to cooperate. The aim is to expose, in the end, those elements who waver, deceive, and betray in front of the masses, and to drive them out with the strength of the masses.

Achieving Party leadership through activities within the working class alone is essential but insufficient. Communist Party members must carry out activities among peasants, the poor, soldiers, the petty bourgeoisie, and intellectuals, as well as all revolutionary allies. They must struggle for the immediate interests of these groups, convincing them that the Communist Party represents not only the interests of the working class but also the interests of the vast majority of the Chinese people, serving as the representative of the entire nation.

Wherever there are masses, no matter how reactionary the leadership there may be, Communist Party members must join them and carry out revolutionary work.

Only by demonstrating that they are the indestructible, most dynamic, and vibrant vanguard of the Chinese revolution—and not "holy believers" who spout abstract communist principles in empty platitudes—can the Communist Party achieve leadership in the Chinese revolution.

In order to apply a broad united front more boldly and win Party leadership, the Party must wage a resolute struggle against "left" closed-doorist tendencies within its ranks. In the present situation, closed-doorism is the Party’s main danger.

The first source of closed-doorism is a failure to understand the new political situation, and consequently, a failure to recognize the necessity of adapting the Party’s strategies to suit the new conditions.

The second source is an inability, in actual practice, to link the Party’s fundamental slogans and program with its current action slogans and program.

The third and most fundamental source is an inability to flexibly apply Marxism-Leninism-Stalinism to China’s unique concrete environment, instead turning Marxism-Leninism-Stalinism into dead dogma.

This closed-doorist tendency essentially manifests a fear of the enemy, a fear of the masses, and a lack of confidence in one’s own strength, thereby producing a fear of employing the strategy of a broad united front. In essence, this closed-doorist tendency is the same as right opportunism.

The continued result of closed-doorism will necessarily be to alienate the Party from the masses and lead it to abandon the task of achieving leadership in the Chinese revolution.

Therefore, the Party must resolutely oppose "left" closed-doorism, boldly apply a broad united front, go deep among the millions upon millions of the masses, and not fear certain errors that may occur. From the struggle, it must learn the art of leading the masses. In the fight against "left" closed-doorism, however, the struggle against right opportunism must not for a moment be relaxed.

Right opportunism suppresses struggles for the masses’ immediate interests, sacrifices peasants’ seizure of land, and workers’, the poor’s, and soldiers’ demands for improved conditions, in order to accommodate the interests of the national bourgeoisie and rich peasants, or to accommodate partial interests of allies. It fears using the weapon of verbal criticism against allies and fears leading the masses to push allies onto a higher stage of the revolution.

Right opportunism accepts the political influence of the national bourgeoisie, upper petty-bourgeois elements, and rural rich peasants, turning itself into their tail.

The Chen Duxiuism of the 1927 period may reappear in certain Party departments and among certain Party members during the new Great Revolution—this is beyond doubt.

The Party should wage a resolute struggle against this right opportunism. At present, however, "left" closed-doorism remains the Party’s main danger. The current fight against the right is precisely to smoothly overcome "left" tendencies and thoroughly smash closed-doorism, so that the strategy of the broad united front can be correctly and boldly applied to all work, so that the Party does not lag behind the mass struggles, and so that the masses, starting from the pursuit of daily and immediate interests, can be elevated to the level of a national revolutionary war against the Chinese people’s public enemy—Japanese imperialism and its lackeys, the traitors.

Fighting to Expand and Consolidate the Communist Party
In order to fulfill the sacred task placed upon the Communist Party of China in this great historical period, the Party must be organizationally expanded and consolidated. In the new Great Revolution, the Communist Party needs hundreds of thousands and millions of combat-capable members to lead the Chinese revolution to complete victory.

The Communist Party of China is the vanguard of the Chinese proletariat. It must absorb large numbers of workers and farm laborers into its ranks to form a core of working-class personnel within the Party. At the same time, the Communist Party of China is also the vanguard of the entire nation. Therefore, all who are willing to struggle for the Party’s propositions, regardless of their background, may join the Communist Party.

All brave fighters in the national and agrarian revolution should be drawn into the Party and entrusted with work in all areas.

Because China is an economically backward semi-colonial and colonial country, members from peasant backgrounds and intellectuals of petty-bourgeois origin often make up the majority within the Party. Yet this does not in the least diminish the Bolshevik standing of the Communist Party of China. Facts have proven that a Party with such a composition is capable of fulfilling the glorious tasks entrusted to it by the Communist International, the vanguard of the world proletariat, and is capable of arduous and unyielding struggle.

Among Communist Parties worldwide, save for the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the Communist Party of China holds an honored and advanced position.

We must combat the closed-door tendency in the Party's organizational development.

The primary criterion for the Party to admit new members is whether they are resolutely committed to fighting for the Party's propositions. Social background should be noted, but it is not the main criterion.

The Party should be turned into a communist melting pot, forging the many new members who are willing to strive for the communist propositions into Bolshevik fighters with the highest class consciousness. The struggle between the two lines within the Party and communist education are the methods to achieve this goal.

The ideological Bolshevik unity of the Party is the concrete manifestation of the Party's strong proletarian leadership.

The closed-doorism in organizational issues that proceeds not from the needs of active struggle but from a mindset of fear must be thoroughly shattered.

The great battles of the national revolution and the agrarian revolution have already produced and are continuing to produce countless active elements and mass leaders.

The Party's organization should open its doors to them with a warm and welcoming attitude. The Party does not fear the infiltration of certain opportunist elements; it uses the Bolshevik political line and iron discipline to ensure the consolidation of the Party's organization.

The Party does not fear the inconsistency in the political levels of non-proletarian Party members; it uses communist education to ensure their elevation to the status of vanguard.

Party cadres must be trained in large numbers. The Party needs thousands upon thousands of new cadres, sent batch after batch to all fronts of struggle. Do not wait until every leadership skill has been thoroughly taught before giving cadres work; rather, release these cadres into the struggle to learn. Do not treat cadres and Party members as if they were machines to be used; instead, cherish them, trust them, assign them appropriate work, and fully develop their talents and initiative. Do not treat cadres and Party members with a bureaucratic attitude; instead, connect the Party's leading organs with them in a lively and vigorous manner through explanation and persuasion about tasks and concrete guidance on work.

For mistakes made by cadres and Party members in thinking or work, do not lightly strike at them, brand them with the label of opportunism, or casually punish them; instead, patiently educate them again and again through persuasion.

Mistakes in thinking and work are inevitable, and mistakes can be corrected. The spirit of Leninist study and the tempering of experience in struggle are precisely the good methods for correcting mistakes.

The fire of inner-Party struggle should be directed at those comrades who cling stubbornly to erroneous views, are unwilling to learn and undergo tempering, and refuse to accept education and guidance. Organizational conclusions to a certain extent are necessary only for those comrades whose mistakes are so serious that they cannot be persuaded.

However, all inner-Party struggles and organizational conclusions still carry an educational nature for the individual concerned and for the Party as a whole.

Only for those opportunists who have persistently followed an erroneous line should the Party refrain from lightly giving them important work just because they have momentarily shown signs of correction.

During the period of great struggle, it is of decisive significance that the Party's cadres are firmly united around the Party's leading organs.

For the Party to unite the whole Party and lead the broadest masses onto the path of the national revolution and the agrarian revolutionary war, it cannot succeed without many fine cadres to serve as the binding link.

A correct organizational line and cadre policy are the prerequisites for the Party to accomplish this task.

The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China calls upon the entire Party and its cadres to fight resolutely for the implementation of the Party's strategic line.

Extend the united front throughout the nation.

Establish the national defense government and the anti-Japanese allied forces.

Transform the Soviet People's Republic into a nation of the whole people.

Transform the Red Army into an army of the whole people.

Make the Party a great party of the masses.

Link the agrarian revolution with the national revolution.

Unite the civil war with the national war.

Long live the sacred national war! They rampage across North China, with no one to stop them.

Chiang Kai-shek, Yan Xishan, and Song Zheyuan, servile and fawning, are habituated to currying favor with foreign powers.

The subjugation of the entire nation looms immediately before us. The Central Government of the Chinese Soviet People's Republic and the Military Committee of the People's Red Army dispatch this army, marching eastward to resist Japan.

All patriots and revolutionary people, regardless of past or present affiliations, regardless of faction, and regardless of origin—so long as they sympathize with resistance against Japanese imperialism, our army is willing to unite with them and jointly carry out the great cause of the national revolution.

Wherever this army goes, it will protect the patriotic movement, protect the revolutionary people, protect the interests of workers and peasants, protect intellectuals, and protect industry and commerce. This army advocates the cessation of all civil wars and the unification of the Red Army and the White Army to face Japan together.

All patriotic soldiers, whether actively uniting with our army to resist Japan or passively not opposing our army and the patriotic people in resisting Japan, our army is willing to enter into consultations, agreements, or understandings with them. The greatest enemy of our Chinese nation is Japanese imperialism. All who live on this land and are descendants of the Yellow Emperor and the Chinese race must rise up together in unity to defend the nation.

If the skin is gone, where shall the fur be attached? If the nation perishes, what shall become of our lives?

Raise the banner of righteousness across the land, and pronounce heaven's punishment within the realm of Yu. Contribute all strengths: those with strength, give strength; those with money, give money; those with guns, give guns; those with knowledge, give knowledge. With one serving as ten—that is our spirit; with ten serving as one—that is our strength.

That the Chinese nation shall not perish, and that Japanese imperialism shall surely fall—the outcome is self-evident without debate. Those who disregard the great cause of justice, fawn upon foreign powers, and harm the people, or even resist this army, are abandoning themselves to their countrymen. This army shall treat them as traitors and national betrayers. Workers, peasants, merchants, students, and soldiers, unite! Down with Japanese imperialism! Down with traitors and national betrayers!

Long live the anti-Japanese national war! Long live the new China of freedom, equality, and territorial integrity! September 36, 221