On the day following the Marco Polo Bridge Incident, July 8, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China issued a declaration calling for nationwide resistance.
The declaration stated: “Fellow countrymen across the nation!
Beiping and Tianjin are in peril; North China is in peril; the Chinese nation is in peril.
Only all-out national resistance offers us a way forward.
We demand immediate, decisive action against the invading Japanese forces and prompt preparation for dealing with this grave new development.
All sectors of society must immediately abandon any hope or expectation of peace and compromise with the Japanese aggressors. ‘Fellow countrymen throughout China!
We should commend and support the heroic resistance mounted by Feng Zhi’an’s troops.
We likewise commend and support the North China authorities’ declaration that they will stand or fall with their homeland.
We call upon General Song Zheyuan to immediately mobilize the entire 29th Army and send it to the front lines to engage the enemy.
We urge the Nanjing central government to provide concrete assistance to the 29th Army and to promptly launch a nationwide patriotic movement to rally public morale for the war effort.
We demand the immediate mobilization of the army, navy, and air force to prepare for combat, as well as the swift eradication of all Japanese spies and traitorous collaborators hiding within China to secure our rear areas.
We appeal to every citizen to lend full support to this sacred war of national self-defense.
Our slogan is: Arm ourselves to defend Beiping, Tianjin, and North China!
Not one inch of Chinese territory shall be allowed to fall into Japanese imperialist hands!
Let us shed our last drop of blood to safeguard our homeland!
All Chinese people and all armed forces must unite as one—forming an unbreakable united front against Japanese aggression!
The Kuomintang and the Communist Party must cooperate closely to repel the latest Japanese offensive and drive the invaders out of China.”
At Lushan, Chiang Kai-shek delivered a speech calling for resistance.
This address set a firm course for all-out war and marked the first time the KMT had issued a clear, principled statement on foreign policy in many years, earning widespread acclaim from the Chinese people.
The speech declared: “As a weak nation, when we reach the final crisis point, we have no choice but to stake the very lives of our entire people on the survival of our country.
At that juncture, there can be no room for compromise.
For to compromise under such circumstances would mean total surrender and utter destruction.
It is crucial that all citizens fully grasp the true meaning of this critical moment.
Once the final crisis arrives, we must fight to the bitter end.
Only through unwavering resolve can we achieve ultimate victory.
Hesitation and the pursuit of temporary peace will only plunge our nation into irreversible ruin.”
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From the unfolding of this incident, we can see how meticulously our adversaries have plotted against us.
Peace is no longer easily attainable.
If we were to seek mere tranquility now, it would require allowing Japanese forces unrestricted access to our territory while simultaneously imposing severe restrictions on our own military, preventing it from freely deploying within China.
Alternatively, it might mean permitting the enemy to open fire on our troops without our being able to return fire—in essence, reducing us to the role of fish at the mercy of the butcher.
We are rapidly approaching just such a dire situation, one that no self-respecting nation could endure.
Six years have passed since the loss of Manchuria, followed by the Tanggu Truce; and now the conflict has reached the Marco Polo Bridge, at the gates of Beiping.
Should this historic site fall under Japanese occupation, Beiping—a city that has served as the political, cultural, and military center of northern China for five centuries—would be reduced to a second Shenyang.
If Beiping were to become like Shenyang, Hebei and Chahar would likewise revert to their former status as part of Manchuria.
And if Beiping were to succumb, why not Nanjing as well?
Thus, the implications of the Marco Polo Bridge Incident extend far beyond local concerns; whether it can be resolved marks the threshold of a national crisis.
XXX “Although we are indeed a weak nation, we cannot afford to forfeit our national existence nor shirk the historical responsibility entrusted to us by our ancestors.
Therefore, when push comes to shove, we must rise to the challenge and fight.
Once hostilities commence, however, our position as a weaker power leaves us with no room for compromise.
To yield even an inch of land or relinquish our sovereignty would make us traitors to the Chinese nation for all time.”

The speech outlined four conditions for resolving the Marco Polo Bridge issue: “First, any settlement must uphold China’s sovereignty and territorial integrity; second, there shall be no illegal changes to the administrative structure of Hebei and Chahar; third, locally appointed officials designated by the central government may not be removed at the behest of local leaders; and fourth, the current deployment of the 29th Army must remain unchanged.”
The address concluded: “The government has adopted a consistent and resolute stance on the Marco Polo Bridge incident.
We understand that, once the nation enters a state of total war, there is no alternative but to fight to the bitter end, with no possibility of escape.
Once fighting begins, regardless of north or south, young or old, every individual bears the duty to defend the homeland.”
Such was the guiding principle.

These two historic political declarations—the KMT’s and the CPC’s—both emphasized resolute resistance and rejected compromise.
This represented the first step toward formulating a sound strategy to counter Japan’s aggression.
However, other approaches remained viable.
In recent months, pro-Japanese collaborators in Beiping and Tianjin have been actively working to undermine the resolve for all-out resistance, seeking to sway public opinion toward concessions.
This trend poses a grave danger.
A policy of compromise stands in stark contrast to the imperative of steadfast resistance.
Unless swiftly reversed, such a course could result in the complete loss of Beiping and North China to the enemy, placing the entire nation under extreme threat—an outcome that demands urgent attention.

All patriotic officers and soldiers of the 29th Army, unite against compromise and embrace resolute resistance!
All patriotic citizens of Beiping and Tianjin, unite against compromise and support unwavering resistance!
All patriots across the nation, unite against compromise and champion resolute resistance!
Mr. Chiang Kai-shek and all patriotic members of the Kuomintang, we urge you to adhere to your principles, honor your commitments, reject compromise, and lead the charge in resolute resistance, thereby refuting the insults leveled by our allies.
All armed forces, including the Red Army, heed Chairman Chiang’s call: resist compromise and fight resolutely!
Communists, united in spirit and purpose, will faithfully implement our own declaration while firmly supporting Mr. Chiang’s proclamation.
Together with all fellow countrymen, we pledge to shed our last drop of blood in defense of our homeland, rejecting all vacillation and embracing unwavering resistance.

Under the banner of resolute resistance, a comprehensive framework of measures, regulations, plans, and policies is essential to realize this vision.
We refer to this integrated system as a “set of measures.”
One hundred and fourteen units have tightened security arrangements, intensifying patrols along key routes and reinforcing defenses in sensitive areas… Several examples illustrate efforts to strengthen border defenses and enhance intelligence gathering capabilities.
Units stationed near potential invasion corridors have reinforced their readiness, conducting joint exercises with neighboring units to refine coordination and tactics.
Officers responsible for strategic planning have reviewed and adjusted deployment strategies, ensuring flexibility and responsiveness to evolving threats.
Meanwhile, logistical departments have expedited preparations for mobilization, ensuring that supplies and equipment are readily available.
Personnel records are being updated to reflect current strengths and capabilities.
Those involved in training and education are revising curricula to incorporate lessons learned from past conflicts, emphasizing the importance of maintaining vigilance and preparedness.
Units are also tasked with organizing community outreach programs to raise awareness about border security issues and encourage public participation.
Plans are underway to establish dedicated task forces to address internal security challenges, focusing on identifying and neutralizing hostile elements within our ranks.
The military continues to prioritize proactive measures over reactive responses.
Through these efforts, the armed forces aim to deliver a decisive blow to Japanese imperialism.
Engaging in national warfare without the active involvement of the broad masses would undoubtedly repeat the disastrous experience of Abyssinia.
If our commitment to resolute resistance is genuine, we must take this step.

Second, reform the political institutions.
Establish a system in which representatives from all parties and social groups, along with popular leaders, jointly manage state affairs, purging the government of pro-Japanese collaborators and fostering closer ties between the government and the people.
Resisting foreign aggression is a monumental undertaking that cannot be accomplished by a small, isolated group without jeopardizing the overall cause.
A truly national defense government must adopt a democratic centralist organizational structure—one that is both democratic and centralized.
Such a government possesses the greatest strength and legitimacy.
The National Assembly should serve as a genuine representative body of the people, functioning as the highest authority to determine major national policies and formulate strategies for national salvation and resistance.

Fourth, eradicate all forms of collaboration with the enemy and expel them from our midst.
Prevent any activities that could facilitate espionage or reconnaissance by Japanese agents.
Any agreements or arrangements made under duress or coercion must be annulled.
Military cooperation agreements previously concluded with countries allied with Japan should be terminated, effectively dismantling the most reliable and powerful network of support for China’s resistance.
Seek solidarity with Britain and other nations committed to resisting Japan, ensuring that we do not sacrifice our territorial sovereignty in exchange for aid.
While self-reliance remains paramount, isolationism only serves the interests of our adversaries.

Fifth, announce a program to improve living standards and begin its implementation without delay.
This includes abolishing arbitrary taxes and levies, reducing land rents, curbing usury, enhancing workers’ benefits, improving conditions for lower-ranking soldiers, providing better support for clerical staff, and offering relief to famine victims.
Starting with these fundamental measures will stimulate consumption, invigorate the market, and energize the financial sector—contrary to claims that such reforms would plunge the national treasury into crisis.
Instead, these policies will significantly bolster our capacity for resistance and consolidate the foundations of our government.
There is no need to abolish the Ministry of National Defense or dismantle existing defense mechanisms.
Sixth, reform the education system.
Overhaul the curriculum to replace outdated educational methods based on rote memorization and theatrical performances with creative, experiential learning approaches that foster critical thinking and cultivate a sense of national identity.
Prohibit the publication of textbooks that glorify Japan or downplay its aggressive actions.
“6 Reasons Why New Textbooks Are Better: They Correct Historical Distortions, Reinforce Sovereignty, and Counter Japanese Propaganda” ^A newly revised textbook series has been approved, featuring content that emphasizes China’s territorial integrity and condemns Japan’s militaristic ambitions.
The Finance Ministry has corrected previous errors in fiscal legislation and implemented genuine economic reforms.
A new fiscal policy has been introduced, aiming to reduce reliance on tax revenues generated from trade with Japan.
“A New Approach to Fiscal Policy: By Restricting Imports from Japan, We Can Eliminate Trade Deficits and Focus on Domestic Production.”
Countries that have thus far refrained from joining anti-Japanese alliances are urged to reconsider their positions.
The government should also work to strengthen international cooperation networks, particularly those focused on mutual defense and economic integration.
Implementing these measures will help build a robust foundation for national resistance.
Eighth, establish a unified national front against Japanese aggression.
This requires close collaboration between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, with both parties committing to work together in a spirit of sincerity and mutual trust.
The leadership of each party should lay the groundwork for sustained cooperation, enabling the formation of a united front capable of uniting all segments of society.
As the saying goes, “Unity is strength,” yet true unity cannot be achieved through empty rhetoric alone.
Genuine unity demands transparency, openness, and a willingness to set aside petty calculations, bureaucratic red tape, and personal ambitions.
Such tactics are not only futile but often counterproductive, especially when directed against our own compatriots.
Every matter, whether large or small, ultimately falls under the umbrella of overarching principles.
It is incumbent upon all citizens to reflect deeply on these fundamental truths and align their thoughts accordingly.
Today, anyone who fails to cultivate genuine goodwill and sincerity in their efforts to unite others risks facing criticism—and perhaps even some soul-searching in the quiet hours of the night.
This comprehensive plan, designed to put resolute resistance into practice, is hereby presented as the “Eight Major Principles.”
Without implementing this suite of measures alongside the principle of resolute resistance, the principle itself will remain unattainable, Japan will continue its aggression against China, and China will remain powerless to resist.
The consequences could be dire, potentially leading to a repeat of the Abyssinian tragedy.
Those genuinely committed to the principle of resolute resistance must therefore undertake this comprehensive course of action.
The sincerity of one’s commitment can be tested by observing whether they are willing to adopt and execute these measures.
Conversely, there exists another possible path—one that runs entirely counter to this approach.
Instead of mobilizing the entire military, it advocates for inaction or retreat.
Rather than granting freedom to the people, it seeks to impose oppressive control.
Instead of a democratic centralist defense government, it envisions a regime dominated by bureaucrats, compradores, and landlords.
Rather than pursuing a policy of independent diplomacy, it favors appeasement and subservience to foreign powers.
Instead of improving the people’s standard of living, it perpetuates exploitation, leaving them impoverished and unable to resist.
Instead of a national education system grounded in patriotism, it promotes indoctrination aimed at undermining national consciousness.
And rather than adopting sound fiscal and economic policies conducive to resistance, it maintains or even exacerbates policies that benefit the enemy.
Finally, instead of building a solid united front against Japanese aggression, it either dismantles such a front or engages in mere lip service, proclaiming unity while secretly pursuing opposing agendas.
Measures follow principles.
When the guiding principle is non-resistance, all measures reflect that stance—a lesson we have already learned from five decades of experience.
However, when the principle shifts to resolute resistance, it becomes imperative to implement a corresponding set of measures aligned with that principle.
Failure to do so would render the eight major principles meaningless.
What lies ahead?
This is the question on everyone’s mind.
By embracing the first approach and adopting the first set of measures, we can pave the way for a future in which Japanese imperialism is driven from Chinese soil, and the Chinese people are liberated.
Is there any doubt about this outcome?
I believe not.
Conversely, adhering to the second approach and implementing the second set of measures would lead to a future in which Japanese imperialism enslaves the Chinese people.
Again, I see no reason to doubt this prospect.
Therefore, forty-one individuals must choose between these two paths: either commit to the first approach and the first set of measures, striving for the first envisioned future, or reject both and avoid the second.
All members of the Kuomintang and the Communist Party are called upon to unite in resolutely pursuing the first approach and the first set of measures, securing the first desirable future.
Simultaneously, they must firmly oppose the second approach and the second set of measures to prevent the second outcome.
All patriotic citizens, soldiers, and political organizations are encouraged to join forces, embracing the first approach and the first set of measures to achieve the desired future, while steadfastly rejecting the second approach and the second set of measures to avert the undesirable one.
Long live the national revolutionary war!
Long live the liberation of the Chinese nation!
The Marco Polo Bridge Incident of July 7 marked the beginning of Japan’s full-scale invasion of mainland China.
The courageous resistance staged by Chinese troops at the bridge signaled the start of a nationwide struggle.
Thanks to the relentless attacks by the Japanese forces, the resolute determination of the Chinese people, the progressive stance of the national bourgeoisie, and the tireless advocacy of the Communist Party for a united front against Japanese aggression—coupled with widespread public support—the KMT’s longstanding policy of non-resistance began to shift toward active resistance following the Marco Polo Bridge Incident.
Consequently, the trajectory of China’s revolutionary movement, which had long been stalled in preparation for civil war, entered a new phase of all-out resistance.
This transformation was further catalyzed by the Xi’an Incident and the subsequent Third Plenary Session of the KMT Central Committee, as well as by Chiang Kai-shek’s July 17 address at Lushan, which outlined numerous commendable measures for strengthening national defense.
All frontline units—whether army, air force, or local militias—fought valiantly, embodying the indomitable spirit of the Chinese nation.
The Communist Party of China extends its profound respect and admiration to all patriotic armed forces and fellow citizens engaged in this historic struggle.
Beginning with the large-scale military offensive launched by Imperial Japan against mainland China on July 7, triggered by the erroneous policies pursued by the Chinese authorities since the Mukden Incident, particularly the compromising stance adopted by the Hebei-Chahar authorities at the Marco Polo Bridge, patriotic fervor was stifled, and vital movements such as the national salvation campaign were suppressed.
Within ten days, the region fell into enemy hands—a loss even more devastating than the earlier demise of Manchuria.
Following Japan’s seizure of Beiping and Tianjin, British support wavered, creating an opportunity for Japanese imperialism to exploit this weakness.
Meanwhile, the Kuomintang’s deliberate isolation of the working masses will likely continue, as evidenced by its ongoing large-scale offensive, with planned operations targeting North China and other regions, as seen in the escalating tensions in Chahar and Shanghai.
To avert national catastrophe, repel the invading forces, safeguard North China and its coastal regions, and reclaim Beiping and Northeast China, all Chinese citizens—especially those in positions of authority within the Kuomintang—must deeply reflect on the lessons of the loss of Beiping and the tragic fate of Abyssinia, draw inspiration from the Soviet Union’s past victories over foreign aggressors, and learn from Spain’s recent triumph in defending Madrid.
Above all, we must unite and fight to the very end to protect our homeland.
Moving forward, our primary task is to mobilize every available resource in pursuit of victory.
Central to this endeavor is a thorough transformation of Kuomintang policy.
The progress made by the KMT in addressing the issue of resistance is highly commendable—long awaited by the Communist Party and the Chinese people alike—and we warmly welcome it.
Nevertheless, the KMT has yet to demonstrate meaningful change in its approach to engaging the populace or reforming political institutions.
It remains reluctant to open up the resistance movement to broader participation, hesitant to introduce substantive reforms within government bodies, and slow to develop concrete plans for improving living standards.
Furthermore, relations with the Communist Party have yet to reach a level of genuine cooperation.
In a national emergency where the very survival of the nation is at stake, failure to act swiftly could have catastrophic consequences.
Some members of the Kuomintang argue that political reforms and the establishment of a single-party government could be undertaken after the war concludes, thereby overcoming Japanese resistance.
This view is fundamentally flawed.
A government composed solely of resistance advocates can achieve only limited, piecemeal successes and will never succeed in completely defeating the enemy.
Only a comprehensive, nationwide resistance effort, led by a united front of all social classes, can accomplish this goal.
To realize such a unified resistance, however, the Kuomintang must undergo a radical transformation, adopting a comprehensive set of measures inspired by Sun Yat-sen’s Three Principles of the People, formulated during the first United Front between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party.
The Communist Party of China hereby presents to the Kuomintang and all political parties, social organizations, and armed forces across China a list of ten urgent measures to decisively defeat Japan and save our nation.
The CPC firmly believes that only through sincere and concerted efforts to implement these measures can we achieve our shared objective of defending the motherland and overcoming Japanese aggression.
Otherwise, negligence and inaction will lead to national collapse, leaving us with nothing but regret.
The ten measures are as follows: 1. Sever diplomatic ties with Japan: expel Japanese officials, arrest Japanese spies, confiscate Japanese assets in China, denounce Japan’s external interference, nullify all treaties with Japan, and reclaim all Japanese concessions. 2. Fight to the death to defend North China and its coastal regions. 3. Fight to the death to reclaim Beiping and Northeast China. 4. Drive Japanese imperialism out of China. 5. Reject all attempts at compromise or conciliation. 6. Mobilize the entire military: deploy the army, navy, and air force nationwide to participate in the resistance.
Oppose passive defensive strategies and adopt independent, proactive approaches to warfare.
Establish regular national defense conferences to discuss and finalize defense plans and operational strategies.
Arm the people and develop guerrilla warfare capabilities to complement the main forces.
Reform military political work to ensure unity between commanders and soldiers.
Foster closer ties between the military and the civilian population, harnessing the latter’s enthusiasm to support revolutionary forces such as the Northeast People’s Revolutionary Army and disrupting enemy rear areas.
Ensure equal treatment for all branches of the armed forces.
Create regional military districts across the country and mobilize the entire nation, transitioning from a mercenary system to compulsory military service. 7. Grant all Chinese citizens—excluding known collaborators—the right to self-determination and autonomy: freedom of speech, publication, assembly, association, armed resistance, and free movement.
Repeal all outdated laws restricting patriotic activities and enact revolutionary new legislation.
Release all political prisoners imprisoned for their resistance activities and lift bans on political organizations.
Encourage all Chinese people to rise up and join the resistance, contributing whatever resources they can—manpower, funds, weapons, or knowledge.
Ethnic minorities such as the Mongols, Muslims, and other groups should exercise their rights to self-determination and autonomy to participate in the resistance alongside others. 8. Reform political institutions: convene a genuine National Assembly representing the people, adopt a democratic constitution, and empower it to decide on national resistance strategies and elect a national defense government.
The defense government must integrate representatives from all parties, social groups, and revolutionary organizations while purging pro-Japanese elements.
It should operate under a democratic centralist system—democratic in its inclusiveness and centralized in its decision-making authority.
The government must also implement revolutionary policies aimed at national salvation and resistance.
Promote local autonomy to root out corruption and establish clean governance. 9. Utilize available funds and seize the property of collaborators, all while safeguarding territorial sovereignty, to forge anti-aggression alliances and military cooperation agreements with nations opposed to Japanese expansion.
Uphold the Non-Aggression Pact and oppose the pro-Japanese Axis alliance.
Collaborate with Korean laborers and farmers within Japan to resist Japanese imperialism. 10.
Adopt wartime fiscal and economic policies: base fiscal policy on utilizing funds and seizing collaborator assets to finance the resistance effort.
Economic policy should focus on expanding defense production, developing rural economies, ensuring self-sufficiency in wartime, promoting domestic goods, and improving local products.
Ban Japanese imports, crack down on profiteering, and curb speculative practices.
Enhance living standards by improving conditions for workers, farmers, clerical staff, and military personnel engaged in resistance.
Provide preferential treatment to families of resistance fighters.
Abolish arbitrary taxes and levies.
Reduce rents and interest rates.
Offer unemployment benefits.
Regulate food supplies and provide disaster relief. 11.
Revise the education system: overhaul outdated curricula and introduce new courses centered on national salvation and resistance.
Implement universal, free compulsory education to raise national consciousness.
Organize armed training sessions for students nationwide.
Eradicate pro-Japanese collaborators and strengthen rear-area security. 12.
Foster national unity: Based on the deepened cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, establish a nationwide united front comprising all political parties, social organizations, and armed forces to lead the resistance effort.
Through sincere unity and collective sacrifice, let us confront this national crisis together.
By abandoning the notion of a purely governmental resistance and embracing a comprehensive, nationwide approach, we can achieve the ultimate goal of defeating the Japanese aggressors and securing a future of independence, freedom, and prosperity.
To this end, we must resolutely reject both the capitulatory theories espoused by collaborators and the fatalistic narratives propagated by those who claim that our nation is inherently incapable of resisting Japan.
The Communist Party of China firmly believes that, with the concerted efforts of 450 million compatriots, the objectives outlined in these ten measures can indeed be realized.
Victory will belong to the Chinese nation, ushering in an era of happiness and harmony.
For it is through unity—with revolutionaries and mass organizations—that we can wield the tools necessary for effective resistance.