REPRESENTATIVES


January 23, 1934

[This is a report presented by comrade Mao before the Second National
Congress of worker’s and peasant’s deputies, held in Juichin in
Kiangsi, on January 23, 1934. Extracted from ‘Chinese worker’s
correspondence’ Shanghai, Vol. 4. No. 11, March 31, 1934. (Please also
see Mao’s article ‘Our Economic Policy’, S.W., Vol. I,
p,141.)]


1. THE PRESENT SITUATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF SOVIET MOVEMENT


Two years have elapsed since the 1st National Soviet Congress
convened. Facts and events of the past two years tell us that the imperialist
Kuomintang rule has further declined in the process of its debacle while
the Soviet movement proceeded and developed vigorously towards its victory!

Now we have arrived at the era when the Chinese Revolution has become further
acute and the whole world is passing its transitory period leading to a new
turn of war and revolution. The opposition of the socialist world to the
capitalist world has become much sharper. On the one hand, the socialist
construction in the Soviet Union and the peace policy of the Soviet Government
have achieved sweeping success, all conducive to the consolidation of the
position of the Soviet Union, in sharp contradiction to the capitalist world
where the eversharpening of the economic crises has led the imperialist powers
to seek a workable solution in the attack on the Soviet Union and China.
Preparations for the intervention against the Soviet Union have never ceased
for a single minute while the imperialist division of China and the intervention
against the Chinese revolution are in full swing.

But the world proletariat revolution and the revolution of the oppressed
nations are extending in every direction precisely under the influence of
the successful socialist construction in the Soviet Union and in face of
the menace of the imperialist crisis and war. A part of the world revolution,
the Chinese revolution, is growing out of the sharpening of the national
crisis, the collapse of national economy, the success of the Soviet movement
at an accelerated pace, resulting in pushing the Chinese revolution to the
foreground in the world revolution.

The dominating factors of the present Chinese situation are: Wide civil war;
death-and-life struggle between revolution and counter-revolution; sharp
contrast between the worker-peasant Soviet power and the Kuomintang power
of landlords and bourgeoisie. On the one hand, the Soviet power is summoning,
organizing, and leading the country-wide masses to fight in national
revolutionary war to overthrow the rule of landlords and bourgeoisie throughout
the country; to oust imperialism from oppression and exploitation by imperialists
and Kuomintang; to save the country from colonization and to build up Soviet
China of complete freedom, independence and territorial integrity.

The growing acute contrast between the two powers cannot but promote the
death-and-life struggle between them to assume more and more violent
proportions,. It had now come to the decisive historical stage of the struggle.
The Kuomintang is launching its 5th offensive against us. The
historical task of the soviet power is : to summon, to organize and to lead
all revolutionary masses both in the Soviet Districts and in other parts
of the country to fight in this decisive war; to mobilize broad worker-peasant
masses to join the Red Army; to improve the political, cultural and technical
levels of the Red Army; to enlarge the local armed forces and partisans;
to agitate for broad partisan wars; to strengthen the concentrated and unified
leadership of the Soviet over all Soviet districts and Red Army; to strengthen
the working speed and quality of the Soviet work in every field; to strengthen
the financial and economical work of the Soviet so as to guarantee the material
demands of the revolutionary war; to develop the class struggle of the working
masses; to organize the revolutionary initiative of the working masses into
the struggle of smashing the 5th offensive of the enemy; to develop
the agrarian revolution of the peasants; to mobilize the broad masses to
fight for the acquisition and protection of land; to call all working and
peasant masses of the Soviet Districts and throughout China to fight with
all efforts and at all cost in the revolutionary war. This is the way to
smash the 5th offensive of imperialists and the Kuomintang, to
save China from being colonized and to attain the soviet victory in one or
several provinces and in the whole territory of China!

2. THE ANTI-IMPERIALIST MOVEMENT


The greatest events in the past two years in China since the inauguration
of the Provisional soviet Central Government were imperialist attacks and
the 4th and 5th offensives waged upon revolution by
counter-revolution. The occupation of Manchuria, Mongolia and North China
by Japanese robbers and the intensified control of Tibet, Sikong, Yunnan,
the Yangtze Valley by British, French and American imperialists, are all
directed by the Imperialists to wreck the Chinese Soviet power and to completely
enslave the Chinese nation as a preliminary step towards the war against
the USSR. The Kuomintang of landlords and bourgeoisie still sticks to its
long followed policy of capitulation while, on the contrary, the anti-imperialist
movement of the country-wide revolutionary masses, with the unprecedented
national crisis before them, has developed with extreme violence.

At the present movement two powers of opposite directions are laid before
the country-wide revolutionary masses: the Kuomintang which surrenders completely
to imperialism with all means suppresses the anti-imperialistic masses; the
Soviet which is determinably anti-imperialistic and does its best to support
and lead the anti-imperialist movement.

In the past two years the Provisional Soviet Central Government has repeatedly
circulated statements denouncing the predatory wars waged by the Japanese
Imperialists and the traitorous capitulation of Kuomintang. On April 14,
1932, the Provisional Central Government formally declared war on Japan and
issued mobilization orders for war against her. The Provisional Central
Government and the Revolutionary Military Council have more than once announced
their readiness to conclude agreement with any armed unit of the Kuomintang
for joint anti-Japanese and anti-imperialist military movement under the
following conditions: (1) Immediate stop of offensive against the Soviet
districts; (2) Guarantee of Civil rights for the masses; (3) Arming of the
masses and creation of anti-Japanese volunteers. The Tankoo Agreement concluded
between the Kuomintang and Japan on May 30, 1933, and Sino-Japanese direct
negotiations since then are policies and actions against the national interests
but repeatedly repudiated by the Provisional Central Government in its statements
made public of late. The Soviet has supported the anti-Japanese struggle
in any and every part of the country. To speak alone of the anti-Japanese
strike of the textile workers in West Shanghai. 1932, the Soviet aided them
with $ 16, 000.

In the Soviet territories, imperialist privileges have been abolished and
imperialist influence wiped out. Imperialist pastors and fathers were ousted
by the masses; estates of the people seized by imperialist missionaries were
returned, missionary schools were turned into Soviet schools. In short, the
Soviet districts in China alone are liberated from the imperialist yoke.

These facts point to one thing; the Soviet is the sole anti-imperialist
government. The Soviet Government wants to make known to the country-wide
masses: the greatest responsibility of the Soviet and the whole masses is
to win victory over imperialists by means of direct war. The fulfillment
of this work depends upon the development of the mass anti-imperialist struggle.
First of all, the lackey of Imperialism, the Kuomintang, should be smashed
because it is the greatest obstacle on the way before the anti-imperialist
Soviet and masses.

3. THE IMPERIALIST – KUOMINTANG OFFENSIVE REPULSED


Because the Chinese Soviet districts are the revolutionary base for the Chinese
anti-imperialist movement, because the Chinese Red Army is the main pillar
of the Chinese anti-imperialist forces, and because the Soviet movement and
the revolutionary war are proceeding violently, the Kuomintang with the direct
help of the imperialists and with all force at its disposal, waged four
offensives and is now waging the 5th one against the Soviet and Red Armies
in an attempt to put down the Chinese revolution and to fulfill its task
of cleaning the ground for imperialism. But every offensive of imperialism
and the Kuomintang ended in glaring failure. The victories of the Soviet
and Red Armies have further confirmed the belief of the country-wide masses
that the Soviet and Red Armies alone are fighting for the national independence
and freedom, and that they are the sole forces for the salvation of China.

The 4th offensive of the enemy began right after the Kuomintang
had surrendered Manchuria to the Japanese and concluded the Shanghai Truce
Agreement of May 5th, 1932. The traitorous Kuomintang did not
mobilize a single soldier to fight the Japanese aggression. On the contrary,
despite the fact that the Soviet and Red Armies have more than once proposed
to conclude an anti-Japanese military agreement with any anti-Japanese troops,
the Kuomintang, led by Chiang Kai-shek, chief of all traitors, concentrated
hundreds of thousands of troops to attack the Hupeh-Honan-Anhui and Hunan-Hupeh
West Soviet districts and forced the Red Armies to withdraw from the cordon
they formed around the district of Wu-Han. On our side, because of some tactical
mistakes, coupled with our reluctance to have a direct clash with a force
of the enemy which was overwhelmingly stronger than ours, the 4th
Red Army Corps was obliged to withdraw from the Hupeh-Honan-Anhui Soviet
district and began the famous expedition to Szechuen where a new and big
Soviet base embracing Tungkiang, Bachun, Nanking, Hsunhan and Suiting has
been created. During the expedition, the 4th Red Army corps had
widely disseminated seeds of the Soviet in the comparatively revolutionary
backward zones of the Northwest where broad revolutionary struggle of the
masses have been brought up to develop. In not more than one year, the
4th Red Army Corps has sovietized more than ten hsien and
called forth leaning of the Szechuen toiling masses and soldiers of the White
troops toward the Soviet revolution. Meantime the 2nd Red Army
Corps which evacuated from the Hung Lake Zone not only has suffered no serious
loss but also gained new success in the Szechuen-Hupeh-Hunan frontier regions
in its operation in coordination with the 4th Red Army Corps.
Even in the Hung Lake zone, Red partisans are still active. In the
Hupeh-Honan-Anhui Soviet district, we did not lose much of our base. On the
contrary, we are now very successful there in the strife to consolidate our
position and to develop partisan wars in the surrounding neighborhood.

As to the Central Soviet District (Kiangsi), it is the location of the Central
Soviet Government headquarters of the country-wide Soviet movement and the
chief target of the offensive of the enemy. Around this district and its
neighbouring Soviet zones the enemy has concentrated most of its forces in
the so-called "Central Government" troops, the units under the command of
militarists Chiang Kwang-lai, Tsai Ting-Kai, together with those under the
command of Kwangtung, Kwangsi, and Hunan warlords. Through one year's hard
struggles, we have gained unprecedented success. The biggest victory was
that we gained in the spring of 1933 when the Red Armies of the Central Soviet
district alone destroyed 23 regiments, 6 battalions and 2 companies of the
enemy and smashed 3 divisions, 12 regiments, 3 battalions and 2 companies
and captured twenty thousand rifles and one thousand machine guns and autorifles.
Particularly in the battles of Tungpi and Hangpi, we annihilated a complete
column of the crack troops of the enemy. These battles ended in the
4th offensive of Nanking with a complete failure to the enemy.

The failure of the 4th offensive of the enemy had brought along
qualitative and quantitative growth of the Red Army. The commanders and fighters
of the Red Army have become more determined politically and more skillful
in military techniques, showing long strides of progress as compared with
the time before the 4th offensive. Moreover, the Soviet territory
has been enlarged. Besides the new Soviet district in Szechuen, we have now
Fukien- Kiangsi province, another new Soviet district in the east part of
Kiangsi, which increased the population of Soviet China by almost one million.
Our old Soviet districts are further consolidated. This has been shown by
the improvement of the Soviet work, by the rise of the militancy of the
worker-peasant masses, by the development of class struggle both in cities
and villages, and by the suppression of the remnants of counter-revolution
in the Soviet districts. This sum-total of the success of the Soviet revolution
has also its influence in the Kuomintang-ruled districts where the struggling
spirit of oppressed worker-peasant masses has been further promoted, the
soldiers and commanders of the White troops have shown their further wavering,
and Chiang Kai-shek himself was even obliged to proclaim his desperate order
of "Death punishment to all who do not fight the 'bandits' but demand to
fight the Japanese."

Since the failure of the 4th offensive, the only manifestation
of the Kuomintang has been to further shamelessly surrender to imperialism.
From the imperialists the Kuomintang has received new loans and consignments
of military supplies. Directly led by the imperialists and with foreign advisers
helping it reorganize its forces (training of new recruits, air forces, and
the Blue Jacket officials), the Kuomintang has been enabled once more to
proceed with its 5th offensive against the Soviet and Red Army.
The struggle of the C.E.C. of the Party, namely, "to make it impossible for
imperialist crisis to seek its way out, or in other words, to struggle for
the independence and freedom of Soviet China." Indeed, the struggle against
the 5th offensive is to determine whether China goes down to complete
independence, freedom. and territorial integrity.

We have acquired all fundamental conditions to win our struggle against our
enemy since our victory over the 4th offensive. We have to point
out that enemy has far more difficulties than we; the wavering of the soldiers
of the White troops; the hatred against the rulers of the workers-peasant
masses together with the broad petty-bourgeoisie in the enemy-ruled districts;
the disintegration of the militarists; the clashes and conflicts among the
imperialists who are supporters of the Kuomintang; the financial and economical
bankruptcy of the Kuomintang. These are all objective conditions that show
the possibility of victory for the revolution.

4. FUNDAMENTAL POLICIES OF THE SOVIET


We get to know its environment, now and past, together with the tasks the
environment calls forth, before we explain the fundamental policies of the
Soviet. The Soviet has grown up from partisan wars and from many isolated
and small districts beyond the boundaries of which is the world of the enemy.
The enemy has been quite busy with the destruction and oppression of the
Soviet. Yet the Soviet has been victorious. It is able to defeat the enemy
and has grown up through its repeated victories over the enemy. This is the
environment of the Soviet. In many respects, the environment of the Soviet
at present is different from that of the past. It has a wider territory,
broader masses and stronger Red Army. It has concentrated many of its scattered
forces (although the work has not been complete). It has been organized into
a state, the Soviet Republic of China, which has now its central and local
organization. The central organ, the Provisional Central Government is the
nucleus of concentrated power depending upon the broad masses and their armed
force - the Red Army. This Government is the power of workers and peasants
themselves. It is the revolutionary workers peasant democratic dictatorship
which is ever enlarging its influence throughout the country by virtue of
the growing confidence of the broad masses in it. Evidently, the Soviet now
no longer has the same environment confronting it as in the partisan war
stage. Yet it still has to face constant warfare which is becoming wider
and more violent. The reason is that the opposition between it and the
landlord-bourgeoisie Kuomintang is growing daily acute and the time has come
when the two contending parties have to fight a decisive battle. In short,
before it there is at present a big scale offensive of Imperialists and the
Kuomintang and that is its environment nowadays.

This very environment determines the tasks of the Soviets. It must do its
best to mobilize, organize and arm the masses, concentrate all of its strength
for the development of the revolutionary war and fight out the other dictatorship
together with the imperialist rule that has acted as the supporter and director
of that other dictatorship. The aim of knocking down imperialism and the
Kuomintang is to unify China, to bring the bourgeois democratic revolution
to realization and to make it possible to turn the said revolution later
to a higher stage of socialist revolution. This is the task of the Soviet.

From this we may understand what the various Soviet policies and tasks are.
They are: to consolidate the victoriously established worker-peasant
dictatorship; to develop this dictatorship to the whole country; to mobilize,
organize and arm the Soviet and country-wide masses to fight in the determined
revolutionary war to overthrew the imperialist Kuomintang rule and to consolidate
and develop the worker-peasant dictatorship; to prepare the present bourgeois
democratic revolution for its turn toward the socialist proletarian dictatorship
in the future. All these form the starting point of the Soviet policies .

  (a) THE ARMED MASSES AND THE RED ARMY.


Let us first speak of the armed masses and Red Army of the Soviet. To fight
against the offensive of the enemy and to wage the revolutionary war, the
first task of the Soviet is to arm the masses and to organize strong and
iron Red Army, local forces and partisans, and provisions, supplies, and
transportation for the war. The Soviet has been successful in its work along
this line during the past two years, particularly during the 4th
offensive and the present determined struggle against the 5th
one.

The formation of the Central Revolutionary Military Council has unified the
leadership over the national Red troops and made the Red forces in every
Soviet district and on any front to be able to fight and to operate in good
coordination under the unified tactics. This is an important turn to convert
the scattered activities of partisan troops into activities of regular and
big scale Red Armies. The Revolutionary Military Council in the past two
years has victoriously led the country-wide Red Armies, particularly those
of the Central Soviet district, in the smashing of the 4th offensive
and in the initial successes of the struggle against the 5th
offensive. The Red Army is now several times bigger than it was two years
ago. This work owes its success to the militancy of the broad worker peasant
masses to join the Red Army, to the improvement of the mobilization methods,
and to the determined execution of the special treatment for the red fighters
by the Soviet. During May, 1933, in the Central Soviet district alone, the
Red Army was increased by twenty thousand new fighters from the various
hsien. This smashed the various opportunistic points of view that
the masses are not willing to join the Red Army or that enlargement of
the Red army cannot be achieved in new Soviet districts. There are many models
of the work to enlarge the Red Army. For instance. in Chankanhsian, Kiangsi,
80 per cent of the men between 16 and 45 and in Shangwanshihsian, Fukien,
88 per cent of them are now serving in the Red Army. In these villages with
the overwhelming majority of the adults going to bravely fight in the
revolutionary war, the daily affairs of farming production are not only not
affected, but also improved and enlarged! Why is that so? The village labour
power has been readjusted and reorganized better, and the difficult problems
confronting the families of the Red fighters have been solved through the
efforts exerted by the Labour Cooperative and Farming Volunteers.

The strengthening of the Red army has proceeded along with its enlargement.
Now the Red army is proceeding to assume the form of ironsides as regular
revolutionary armed forces. The causes are: (1) Growth of the percentage
of worker-peasant toiling masses in it; (2) More worker cadres and universal
practice of political commissioner system; (3) The progress of political
training strengthened the determination of the Red fighters to fight for
the final victory of the Soviet, raised the class-conscious discipline and
increased the relation between the Red Army and the masses; (4) General rise
of military techniques; (5) Better organization increased the organized strength.
These have promoted the fighting strength of the Red Army and made it the
formidable force of the Soviet.

Red Defence and Young Vanguards are ready made reservists for the Red Army
on the fighting front, forces of defence for the Soviet districts and the
bridge that is leading the present voluntary military system to the conscription
system of tomorrow.

Partisan units are creator of new Soviet districts and inseparable detachments
of the main force -- the Red Army. In the past two years more of them are
developed in the various Soviet districts with their political and military
training considerably improved. They have in the past offensives of the enemy
showed marvelous success in their work for the defence of the Soviet districts,
and in their operation to take the troops of the enemy by surprise and to
disturb their rear. Many of their performances were even thought by the enemy
as miracles. Their activities have offered the greatest difficulties to the
enemy in attempting to invade the Soviet districts. This has been particularly
shown in the Central and Kiangsi-Chekiang Soviet districts.

To satisfy the Red Army with supplies and provisions, to organize the military
transportation between the front and the rear and to organize sanitary organs
and hospitals for the Red fighters are all tasks of decisive importance to
the revolutionary war. Since we have not yet captured many central cities
and since the economic blockade of the enemy against us is very strict, there
are numerous difficulties confronting us in our work along this lines. However,
in the past two years the militancy the broad masses in the Soviet district
has guaranteed continued supplies, provisions and transportation for the
Red army. This is also one of our big successes.

The fundamental task of the Soviet is revolutionary war and to mobilize all
mass strength to fight in the war. Around this fundamental task the Soviet
has many urgent tasks. It has to practice wide democracy; to determinably
suppress the counter-revolution under its jurisdiction; to promote class-struggle
of the workers; to promote agrarian revolution of the peasants; to promote
the militancy of the worker-peasant masses under the principle of workers
leading the worker-peasant alliance; to administer the correct financial
and economic policies so as to guarantee the material needs of the revolutionary
war; to wage the cultural revolution so as to arm the heads of the worker-peasant
masses. All these, together with other policies, are but directed to one
goal: to overthrow the imperialist-Kuomintang rule through revolutionary
war, to consolidate and develop the worker-peasant democratic dictatorship
and to be prepared to proceed to the stage of proletarian dictatorship.


  (b). SOVIET DEMOCRACY.


The Soviet of the worker-peasant democratic dictatorship is the government
of the masses themselves, directly depending upon them maintaining the closest
relation with them and, therefore, able to operate its maximum strength.
It has already been the organizer and leader of the revolutionary war and
the mass life. Its enormous strength is incomparable to any form of state
in the history. it needs a strong power to cope with its class enemy. But
to the worker-peasant masses it exercises no strong power but wide democracy.
The wide democracy of the Soviet is, first of all, manifested in its election.
The Soviet gives the right to vote to all oppressed and exploited masses
regardless of sex. This right to the worker-peasant masses is unprecedented
in human history. The experience of the past two years tells us that the
Soviet has been very successful in its election. The particulars of the Soviet
elections are as follows: (1) The names of the electors are written on a
big red paper and an election meeting with no exploiters participating in
it takes the place of the general mass meeting of the past. (2) The proportions
of social composition are as follows: one from every fifteen workers and
their family members; one from fifty peasants and poor people; all the city
and village Soviet councils are formed this way. The method guarantees the
leading position of the workers in the worker-peasant alliance. (3) According
to the Election Act proclaimed by the Central Soviet Executive Committee
in September 1933 the election units for the peasants are villages while
workers have another rule. This makes the election universal among the peasants
while the workers can also elect their best representatives to work in the
Soviet Council. (4) During the two elections in 1932 and the election in
the autumn of 1933 in many places more than 80 per cent of the electorate
joined it. In some places, the sick people and those on defense duty did
not join. (5) In many city or village Soviet councils women form a percentage
of above 25 per cent. In the Soviets of Shangtsaishihhsian and Shiatsaishihhsian,
of Shanhan, in Fukien, the percentages of women are 60 and 66 per cent
respectively. Broad woman masses are now participating in the affairs of
state administration. (7) Before the election takes place the electors have
the chance to hear reports about the past work of the City or Village Soviet
in a preparatory meeting. They are led to led give criticisms of the past
work. This was more universally practiced during the fall election
of last year. All these have helped the masses in getting familiar with the
Soviet election, primary step of state administration, and have guaranteed
the consolidation of the Soviet power.

Next, the Soviet democracy is also manifested in the City and hsiang
councils which form the foundation of the organization of the Soviet. Two
years gives us now better organization of the councils. The characteristics
are as follows: (1) The delegates are scattered evenly to live among the
people the so that they will have the closest relation with them (usually
one delegate leads and lives with 30 to 70 people). This makes the council
not separated from the masses. (2) The delegates are grouped in from 3 to
7 with their fellow-members in the neighborhood having a head who serves
as the a immediate connector between them and the presidium of the council
. The group has the regular task of summoning meetings of the people under
them by order of the presidium to solve problems of minor importance. All
groups in one village have a general head who is responsible for the whole
village This makes the connection between the presidium and the delegates
very close and guarantees strong leadership over the work of each village.
(2) There are various permanent or temporary committees under the City or
hsiang Councils such as Cultural, Irrigation, Sanitary,
Food, Red Army Families Defence, etc., which absorb the active elements among
the masses to work. In this way, the Soviet work is made into the form of
a net and the broad masses can directly participate in it. (4) Election of
City or hsiang Soviet takes place once in six months
and that of province or hsien Soviets once in a year.
This makes it easy for the opinions of the masses to reach the Soviet. (5)
Any delegate who commits serious errors may lose his seat through the suggestion
of ten or more electors, seconded by more than one-half of the whole electorate
or through the resolution of the council meeting.

The City and hsiang Soviets are the foundation for the government
organs of the Soviets above them; they are all formed by the Soviet congresses
and their executives. Government workers are also appointed by election.
If any one is found to be incompetent, he may be recalled by public opinion.
The solution of all problems is based on public opinion. So the Soviet is
really the government of broad masses.

The Soviet democracy is also shown by the fact that all revolutionary masses
are given the right of free speech, free association, free assembly, free
publication and free strike. The Soviet gives them all facilities such as
meeting places, paper, printing shop, and other material needs. Moreover,
to consolidate the worker-peasant democratic dictatorship, the Soviet always
welcomes the supervision and criticism of the broad masses. Every revolutionary
citizen has the right to disclose the error or shortcoming of any Soviet
functionary in his work. Finally, the Soviet democracy is also found in the
division or administrative to hsiang are now smaller
than before. This makes the Soviets of various grades to know exhaustively
the demands of the masses and makes the opinions of the masses to be quickly
reflected in the Soviets.


  (c). SOVIET ATTITUDE TOWARD LANDLORD-BOURGEOIS


The Soviet is not democratic to the exploiters – landlord and bourgeoisie
who have been knocked down by the revolutionary masses. The Soviet maintain
a different attitude toward them. Although overthrown, they still have a
deep foundation and their remnants have not yet been wiped out. They have
a superior knowledge and techniques. They are always thinking of the restoration
of their power. Particularly in the course the civil war, they are always
seeking to support the attacking enemies through counter-revolutionary activities
Hence, the Soviet has to curb and oppress them from all sides.

First of all, the Soviet rules the exploiting elements out of the political
power. In the Soviet Constitution, they are all deprived of the rights of
election and military service The Soviet has been ceaselessly engaged in
bitter struggles against the alien elements in the Soviet organs. The past
experience tells us that this task has been very important work of the Soviet
. Secondly, all landlords and bourgeoisie are deprived of the freedom of
speech, publication, assembly and association.

Thirdly, counter-revolutionary activities are under the suppression of the
revolutionary forces and revolutionary courts. The Soviet courts directly
depend upon the mass armed forces, the activities of the State Political
Defence Bureau, and the class-struggle of the broad masses. All these have
offered strict suppression to the counter-revolutionary activities in the
Soviet districts. The well known cases were the suppression by the Soviet
courts of the activities of A-B Corps in the Central and Hunan-Kiangsi Soviets,
of the Social-Democrats in Fukien, of the Re-organizationists in Hupeh-Hunan
west, Hupeh-Honan-Anhui, Fukien- Chekiang-Kiangsi, and Fukien-Kiangsi Soviet
districts and of the Trotskist-Chen Groupings in Hunan-Hupeh-Kiangsi Soviet
district Through these suppressions, the State Political Defence Bureaus
and the Soviet courts have acquired abundant experience and corrected many
errors in the past that were committed through the diversion from the correct
class line. The mass character of the Soviet Court, namely, the suppression
of counter-revolutionary activities by the Soviet courts in coordination
with the me mass struggle ale against counter-revolutionary intrigues, has
been making long strides of progress. The practice of the Traveling Court
is a proof of this.

The Soviet has formally proclaimed prohibition of corporal punishment. In
the Soviet prisons, except for those prisoners who are sentenced to death
punishment, all other prisoners are put under reformatory education; that
is to say, the Soviet policy for prisoners is to train them in the communistic
spirit and with labour discipline. In sharp contradiction to this situation
is the practice in full bloom of medieval tortures in the Kuomintang courts
and prisons. To put down counter-revolutionary intrigues, to keep the Soviet
territory in revolutionary order and to abolish all feudalistic and barbarous
remnants in the field of jurisdiction constitute the aim of the Soviet court.
The improvement of the Soviet in this direction is of
historical significance.

In summary, the Soviet has by far the widest revolutionary democracy for
the broad masses and out of it rises its enormous power -- a power which
is built upon the determined faith and self-conscious needs of the millions
of the worker-peasant masses. Having this power in operation, the Soviet
shapes itself into a dictatorship and organizes the revolutionary war and
the revolutionary court which wage violent attacks upon the class enemy from
all directions. This brings about the enormous function of the Soviet court
in the Soviet territory.


  (d). THE SOVIET LABOUR POLICY.


The Soviet, based on the class character of its political power and on its
enormous task of arming the toiling masses to fight out imperialists and
the Kuomintang through a revolutionary war, must initiate class struggles
of workers, defend their every day interests, develop their revolutionary
initiative, organize this initiative in the enormous revolutionary war and
turn the workers into active leaders for the revolutionary war and pillars
for the consolidation and development of Soviet power. Interests of the workers
are completely protected under the Soviet labour policy. The labour situation
under it as compared with that in the past while under the Kuomintang rule,
or with that of the districts now still ruled by the Kuomintang, forms a
sharp contrast which is comparable only to the difference between heaven
and hell. Before the Soviet districts came to exist, that is to say, when
the Kuomintang were the rulers, the workers were slaves of employers. The
long working hours, the meagre wages, the brutal treatment, and the absence
of any legal means whatsoever for protecting the interests of workers are
what will remain permanently in the memory of every worker. All these
disadvantages for the workers still exist in the Kuomintang-ruled districts
and are aggravated . Lately, the real wages of workers in the white districts
have been cut by more than fifty per cent. Cut of production, mass-dismissal,
and lockout, have been the common methods of capitalists to launch attacks
upon their employees. It logically follows that broad workers alone the
unemployed now exceeds 60 per cent. In the Kuomintang-ruled districts, strike
is a criminal act in the eyes of the rulers. In March, 1933, the Kuomintang
authorities at Hankow even proclaimed death punishment for strikers. Whenever
there is a conflict between labour and capital, the Kuomintang never fails
to stand on the side of the capitalist to suppress the workers.

In the Soviet districts these things have been completely wiped out. Under
Soviet power, workers are masters themselves and are leading the broad peasantry
in the enormous task of consolidating and developing the Soviet. Hence the
basic principle of the Soviet labour policy is to protect the interests of
the workers and to consolidate and develop the Soviet power. The Labour Act
proclaimed in December. 1931, was based on this principle. It was revised
and reproclaimed in March, 1933, better applicable to towns, villages, big
enterprises and small ones.

The eight-hour system is now universally observed in the Soviet districts.
There is also a wide practice of labour agreement and collective agreement.
In many urban and rural districts, there are Labour-Inspection offices which
send out inspectors to examine whether the Soviet Labour Act is violated
by employers or not. There is the Labour Court for cases in which the employer
is accused of violating the Soviet Laws. To guard against control of labour
by employers and to work for the interests of the unemployed the Soviet has
the absolute control of employment. All employers must go to the soviet for
hiring workers. Unemployment relief measures are in broader practice. Generally
speaking, unemployed workers can now get concrete relief. Village workers
have their own farming land. The social insurance system is administered
by a Social Insurance Bureau established in the Soviet towns. These are what
the workers cannot get at all in the Kuomintang-ruled districts, but what
the Soviet considers as its big responsibility to fulfill.

Because of the determined execution by the Soviet of its labour policy, the
living conditions of the workers in the Soviet districts are greatly improved.
First of all is the wages. The real wages of the workers of the Soviet
districts has been generally increased as compared with the pre-Revolutionary
period. The following table is a comparison of wages of the workers in Tingchow
before and after the revolution which may be taken as an example:


Maximum

Minimum


  Aver.


P-r

A-r.
d .
P-r
A-r
d.
A-r


Fruit workers
$10
monthly
$32
$22
$2
$22
$20
$30


Paper workers
$10
”


Oil workers
”


Medicine workers
”


Tobacco workers
”
3.5
26.5


Printers
”


Metal workers
monthly




Dyeing workers
5.5
”
14.5


Oil- paper workers
”


Wine workers
”


Weaving workers



Carpenters
0.6
daily
0.8
0.2


Boatmen
each travel from
      Tingchow to Shanghan

$46
$32


[P-r means pre-Revolutionary period; A-r means after the revolution; d-
means difference.]

From this table we can easily see the great difference in the wages of the
workers in Tingchow before and after revolution. The smallest increase is
32 per cent (carpenters) and the biggest is 1450 per cent( weaving workers
). What a contrast it is as compared with the decreasing wages in the Kuomintang
era! In other districts where the employers supply meals to the workers,
the wage level is slightly lower. The wages of a carpenter and mason of Jukin
is now 45 cents a day as compared with 25 cents a day in the pre-revolutionary
period. The increase is 80 per cent.

Wages in the village are also increased. The following table is the comparison
of daily wage scales in cents which prevailed in different periods in Tienchen
district of Kanhsien:


Maximum
Handicrafts men
Paper Workers
Farming hands
Coolies


Pre-rev.


Before May 1, 1931
67.5


Now


Difference


Average Pre-rev.


Before May 1, 1931


Now


Difference


Minimum Pre-rev.


Before May 1, 1931


Now


Difference


This is the story of only one village. A similar situation is found in other
villages. As to the wage scale prevalent in the state enterprises, there
has been a general increase of from 20 percent to 40 percent in the past
two years.

Generally speaking the wages of the workers are paid on time. Because of
the superintendence of the Soviet, very few employers delay their wage payments
to workers. Some stubborn capitalists did try to do so, but were brought
under control by the Labour Court.

Concerning the legal al working hour, the 8 hour system has been introduced
to all Soviet cities and towns in the past two years and in the villages
there are but rare cases in which employees work more than eight hours a
day. Employees between the age of 16 and 18 have shorter hours than do adults.

  PROTECTION FOR WOMEN AND INFANTS


Equal work, equal pay, rest before and after confinement, prohibition of
infant workers below fourteen years and so on, are in general practice.

As to apprentices, the apprenticeship period is shortened, treatment improved
and feudalistic oppression abolished. The living conditions of apprentices
are increased. For instance, in Kiangsi apprentices receive allowance to
amount of from fifteen to thirty-six dollars annually.

Sanitary conditions and food supplies for the workers in general, and for
the employees of the state enterprises in particular have been greatly improved.
In the cities the workers’ food is rated at least six dollars a month.
In the villages, the farming employees eat the same food as served to their
employers.

The Soviet workers are organized in their strong class trade union which
is the pillar of the Soviet power, burg for the workers themselves and school
in which the broad working masses learn communism. With its interests protected
by the Soviets, the membership of the trade union is ever on the increase.
According to the statistics of the All China Trade Union Federation, the
trade union membership in Central Soviet District, together with its neighbouring
Soviet zones, amount to 229,000. The distribution is as follows: Central
Soviet District 110,000 persons; Hsiang-Kan (Hunan-Kiangsi) 23,000 ; Hsiang-O-Kan
(Hunan-Hupeh-Kiangsi) 40,000; Min-Che-Kan (Fukien-Chekiang-Kiangsi) 25,000;
Min-Kan (Fukien-Kiangsi ) 6 000 ; North Fukien, 5,000. According to statistics
compiled by the Central Soviet District there are 3,676 non-trade union workers
in the said district which means not more than five per cent of the whole
working body. In other words, 95 per cent of the workers in the Central Soviet
District are members in the Trade Unions. In the district of Hsinkuo this
percentage reaches as high as 98 per cent. Can this be dreamed of in the
Kuomintang-ruled districts? Except for U.S.S.R., can this be dreamed of in
any of the imperialist countries?

In short, in the course of only two years, the Soviet Labour Act has been
generally observed in all towns and all villages. In the two years, the
capitalists and the kulaks attempted to resist the Act. But the active struggles
of the working masses, together with the close superintendence of the Soviet,
have frustrated them. In dealing with independent producers and middle peasants
who would have violated the Labour Act in their relation with farming hands
or other employees, the method of convincing them with frank explanations
has been used. All these account for the general improvement of the living
conditions of workers, the development of their militancy in the revolution
and their vital task in the revolutionary war and the Soviet reconstruction.

According to reports from Kun-lu Wantai, Lun-kan, Hsin-kuo, Shien-li, Sikiang,
Yu-tu, Chinwu, Shanghan, Ninhua, Changting, and Hsinchien, out of the 70,580
trade union members in these twelve hsien 19,960 are
now serving either in the Red troops or in the local partisan units forming
28 percent of whole membership, and also 6,752 in various Soviet organs forming
10 per cent. The two make a total of 38 per cent. The remainder amounts to
43,860 persons. It was they who cancelled the 2nd Government Bonds
to the amount of $43,855 and bought the bonds to the amount of $4.5 or the
average. Among them, 12,435 are members of the Communist Party or the Young
Communist League, the percentage being 28 percent.

From these statistics, one learns how ardently the working masses are joining
the Red army, support the revolutionary war and favour the Communist Party.
But these are nothing but the outcome of the work of the Soviet for their
interests and to promote their militancy. Some one said that workers gained
nothing since the revolution, neither have their militancy been promoted.
This is completely a vile slander!

  THE AGRARIAN REVOLUTION


The Chinese Soviet and Red army have grown up from development of the agrarian
revolution, which liberates the, broad peasantry from the brutal oppression
and exploitation by landlords and the Kuomintang militarists The principle
of the land policy of the Soviet is to completely wipe out the feudalistic
and semi-feudalistic oppression and exploitation. In any village of the
Kuomintang district, past or now, there are horrible land rents ( 60 per
cent to 80 per cent ), horrible usury ( 30 per cent to 100 per cent ), and
horrible, onerous taxes (there are above 1,700 different kinds of taxes
throughout the country ) . Consequently, the land is concentrated
in the hands of landlords and kulaks. The overwhelming majority of the peasantry
lost their land and are obliged to live in extreme misery. The relentless
exploitation has exhausted them of their means to combat catastrophe. The
whole country is therefore, exposed to constant inundation or drought.
The catastrophe stricken area in 1931 amounted to 809 hsien
covering a population of 44,000,000. The exploitation has also exhausted
the peasantry of their production power. Much land has been turned infertile
or left uncultivated. Yet with their meager products, they have to face the
dumping of the imperialist agricultural productions. All these lead the Chinese
rural economy to the state of complete bankruptcy from which outbreaks the
violent agrarian revolution.

The power of the agrarian revolution in the Soviet districts has wiped out
all feudalistic remnants. The millions of the peasantry awakening from their
long dark age confiscated land from all the landlords and fertile land from
the Kulaks, abolished usury and onerous taxation, knocked down all that are
against the revolution and built up their own government. For the first time,
the Chinese peasant masses break their way out of the hell and make masters
themselves. This is the fundamental situation that differs the rural district
under the Soviet from those under the Kuomintang.

The First National Soviet Congress proclaimed the Land Act which has since
served as the correct guidance for the proper solution of the land problems
in this country. There have been numerous arguments over the analysis of
classes in the villages owing to the acute class struggle. Based on the
experience of the agrarian revolution, the People's Council has passed a
resolution on the various problems of the struggle for land. Undoubtedly,
this will promote the further development of the village struggle. As to
the methods of partition in connection with the distance, fertility, infertility,
forests, waters, etc., it is now of urgent need to work out a definite resolution
out of the experience of all places so as to make it the guidance for the
partition of land in the new Soviet districts.

The inspection movement mobilized by the Central Government is directed to
thoroughly wipe out the feudalistic remnants and to make sure
that the real benefits resulting from the agrarian revolution have gone to
the farming employees and poor and middle peasants. According to the statistics
of July, August, and September, 1933, through this movement in the Central
Soviet District that further called forth the revolutionary militancy of
the peasant masses, landlords to the number of 6,988 families and the Kulaks
to the number of 6,638 families were disclosed with land to the size of 17,
539 mou revoked and money forfeits from the landlords and fines from
the Kulaks, to the sum of $606,916 seized. The Farming Employee Trade Union
and the Poor Peasant Corps have now formed the pillars of the Soviet in the
villages! This is only the result of three months' work which tells that
the Soviet has as to pay yet closer attention to the class struggle in the
villages. The result also shows that the land inspection movement is an effective
means to further develop the village struggle and to annihilate the feudalistic
remnants in the rural districts. The class line of the agrarian revolution
is to depend upon the farming employees and poor peasants, to ally the middle
peasants, to exploit the Kulaks and to annihilate the landlords. The correct
practice of this line is the key to the success of the agrarian revolution
and foundation for all other policies of the Soviet in the villages. Hence
the Soviet should deal seriously with those erroneous tendencies that attempt
to infringe upon the middle peasants or to annihilate the Kulaks. At the
same time, it should also not compromise with the landlords and Kulaks. That
is the way to lead the agrarian revolution in the correct direction. In the
past two years we have gained much experience in our mass work in the agrarian
revolution. summarized particular are as follows:

(1) Full mobilization of agricultural workers, poor and middle peasants for
struggle against landlords and Kulaks is necessary in the partition and
inspection movements. The partition and inspection works should be done with
concurrence of the masses. The determination of class should be passed by
mass meeting. To conduct these works solely through the activities of a few
Soviet functionaries is liable to cause danger of lowering the struggling
spirit of the masses.

(2) When belongings other than land of the landlords and surplus drag animals
and farming implements of the Kulaks are confiscated, the greater
part of them must be shared by the poor mass. It is bad to have them only
shared by a few for it will lower the struggling spirit of the masses on
the one hand and favor the opposition of the exploiters on the other.

(3) The partition of the land should be completed in the shortest possible
period Unless it is demanded by a considerable mass of the peasants, re-partition
is not a good policy, for otherwise the militancy of the peasant masses to
promote agricultural production may be destroyed and the exploiters may take
advantage of it to hinder the development of the struggle.

(4) The aim of the inspection movement is to disclose the exploiters, but
not to disturb the exploited. So the inspection should not be made from house
to house and from one piece of land to another. It should be done through
the mobilization of broad masses.

(5) Those counter-revolutionary elements who work to hinder the partition
and inspection movements should be seriously dealt with. They should be severely
punished by mass judgement or through mass concurrence to serve imprisonment
or even to face death penalty. This is necessary for otherwise the agrarian
revolution will be handicapped.

(6) Class struggle should be promoted while clashes between families and
localities should be avoided. The landlords and Kulaks are always thinking
of displacing class struggle with family or local struggle.

(7) The development of the agrarian revolution depends upon the
class-consciousness and organizational strength of the basic masses in the
villages. The Soviet functionaries must have, therefore, broad and deep
propaganda in the villages and work to strengthen the organizations of farming
employees and poor peasants.

The aim of the agrarian revolution is not only to solve the land problem
of the peasants but also to promote them to increase the productivity of
their land. Because of the adequate leadership of the Soviet, and the initiative
of the peasant masses themselves, the agricultural production has been restored
in most places and in some places it is even increased.

On this foundation, the living conditions of the peasantry have been much
improved.

In the past, the peasants lived on tree bark or grain husks for months in
a year. This situation no longer prevails and there is no more starvation
in the Soviet districts. The life of the peasantry is better and better year
by year. They are no longer in rags. They eat meat more constantly, which
was a luxury to them in former times.

Which kind of government and which and which kind of life is liked by the
peasants? We have this question for the peasants in the Kuomintang-ruled
districts to answer.

  FINANCIAL POLICY OF THE SOVIETS


The financial policy of the Soviets assured ample supplies demanded by the
revolutionary war as well as all the money needed by revolutionary work.
With a comparatively small territory characterized by economic backwardness
and pursuing a policy of taxation beneficial to masses, the Soviet have got
along fairly well in sharp contrast to the KMT who, controlling a vast territory
and increasing its exploitations from day to day, is now facing financial
Bankruptcy. In accordance with the principle of class and revolution the
Soviet raise its revenue from the following sources: (1) confiscation or
requisition from all feudal exploiters, (2) taxation, (3) development of
national economy.

Under the 1st heading, landlords and kulaks both in the KMT and
Soviet districts are required to raise funds for the soviets, which, as shown
by the past experience, from the largest item in the revenue of the Soviet
government. This is in direct contradiction to the KMT, who always places
the financial burdens on the shoulders of the toiling masses. The Soviet
progressive taxation consists of two categories, namely, the commercial and
agricultural taxes, both imposed on the exploiters. The commercial tax is
again divided into two classes viz., the customs duty and business tax. The
former is designed to control importation with a tariff ranging from entire
exemption to 100 per cent duty, free from any intervention from any foreign
power. It means that only the Soviets can realize customs autonomy in China.
After payment of the customs duty all goods can flow freely within the Soviet
territory without having to pay any more taxes in contrast to the goods passing
through the KMT territory which are still subject to various taxes similar
to likin.

The business tax is again progressive It takes more from the larger
enterprises. with higher profit but less from the smaller enterprises with
lower profit. Undertakings with less than $100 capital, cooperatives, farmers
selling their own surpluses, are all exempted.

The agricultural tax is likewise progressive. It is heavier for the larger
families who have obtained more land but lighter for those who have got less
land. The poor peasants and middle peasants but the kulaks pay more. Farm
hands and families of the red armies are all exempted. This tax may be reduced
or exempted in case of a disaster.

On the other hand, the KMT lays the principal burden on the peasantry and
the small proprietors. It collects the surtax on the regular ones at a much
heavier rate. According to the Ta Kung Pao, of Tientsin, March 21,
1933, the KMT collects as many as 1,756 taxes, and the Szechwan militarists
have collected the land tax up to 1987. In Shensi the KMT has increased the
tax by 25 times.

The development of national economy as a source of the Soviet finances forms
an important part of the financial policy of the Soviets. It has begun to
make progress in Mien che-kang and Kiangsi. The financial and economical
organs ought to do more in this direction. Here it may be pointed out that
the state banks must issue notes to meet the needs for the development of
national economy, considering financial needs as only secondary.

The use of money shall be governed by the principle of economy. Corruption
and waste are the greatest crimes. Great achievements have been registered
in the struggle against these crimes. "Save every penny for the revolutionary
war" is the guiding principle of the Soviet accounting system.

With the expansion of the red army, with the development of the revolutionary
war, the Soviets are of course facing financial difficulties which
will, however, create conditions for their own solution. The Soviet finances
will improve when conquering more territory from the KMT, developing national
economy on a larger scale, etc., with the financial burdens placed on the
exploiters.

  ECONOMIC POLICY OF THE SOVIETS


Confronted with an impoverished people, the KMT, however, spread lies against
the Soviets, saying that the Soviet government is bankrupt. The KMT is bent
on the destruction of the Soviets not only by guns and cannon but by economic
measures, the most ruthless of which is "blockade." With the broad masses
and the red army behind it, the Soviets have been able to smash the
KMT drives one after another. And it has, too, succeeded a to certain extent
in economic reconstruction within its territory, a step which has
been taken to break the blockade of the enemy.

Engaged in a battle against imperialism and KMT, at the same time
located in a region economically backward encircled by the economic blockade
of the enemy, the Soviets must proceed, whenever possible with the economic
reconstruction, concentrate its forces on war supplies, improve the life
of the masses, consolidate the alliance between the workers and the peasants
in the economic field, assure the leadership for the proletariat over the
peasantry, create the development of socialist construction in future.

The central tasks involved in economic reconstruction of the Soviets are
development of agricultural production, of industrial production, of foreign
trade, of cooperatives.

Agriculture in Soviet districts is apparently forging ahead at a big pace.
Agricultural products in 1933 have increased 15 per cent on the average as
against 1932. The rise in Mien-che-kang is 20 per cent. In the couple of
years following the Soviet revolution agricultural production showed a downward
trend, but thanks to the certainty in the division of land, the promotion
of the Soviets and the growth of enthusiasm among the masses, production
has been moving upwards steadily. In some cases production has been restored
to its original level, but in others it has exceeded the original level.
Fallow land has been cultivated again while new land reclaimed. Wide masses
of women have joined the shock work in agricultural production. These are
the facts never witnessed under the KMT’s rule. Satisfied with the land
obtained, encouraged by the Soviets, the peasants have shown a great enthusiasm
in working up the land allotted to them. Under present conditions, agricultural
production shall be the first task in the economic reconstruction of the
Soviets. It shall solve the food problem as well as secure raw materials
for articles of every-day use. It shall emphasize afforestation and increase
in livestock. Taking the small farm economy as a basis, plans must be worked
out for certain branches of agriculture as, for example, cotton, whose production
shall be fixed for each province.

The Soviets must lead the peasants to solve such vital problems as labour,
oxen, fertilizers, seeds, irrigation, etc. Here the organized mobilization
of the labour force and the participation of women in production are of vital
importance. The Soviets must lead the peasantry in launching the Spring and
Summer ploughing campaigns. About 25 per cent of the peasantry is in need
of oxen, hence the necessity of organizing the oxen cooperatives. The Soviets
must direct the greatest attention to irrigation. At present we are not in
need of Soviet farms and collective farms, but for agricultural improvement
an experimental station shall be set up in each district. In addition,
agricultural research institutes shall be established, agricultural products
show rooms arranged.

As a result of the blockade of the enemy, difficulties have arisen in our
exportation, and many handicraft industries in the Soviet districts have
declined. Tobacco and paper have suffered most. But these difficulties are
by no means invincible. Owing to the large consumption of the people, the
Soviet goods can find a big market within the Soviet territory. In the first
half of 1933 the efforts of the Soviets and the development of the cooperatives
resulted in the revival of many industries as, e.g., tobacco, paper, tungsten,
camphor, fertilizers, agricultural instruments, etc. Attention shall be directed
to cloth, drugs, sugar industries. New industries have sprung up in Mien-che-kang
province (paper, cloth, etc.). To relieve the shortage in salt, nitrate-salt
has been manufactured. It is hard to map out a plan for the scattered handicraft
industries but it is possible to elaborate a plan for the leading industries,
above all, for the undertakings operated by the state and cooperatives. The
Soviet and cooperative-controlled enterprises shall make an appraisal of
the production of materials (raw) as well as market both in the white and
red districts.

The Soviet shall organize foreign trade and directly control the flow of
such goods as the importation of salt and clothes, the exportation of food
and tungsten. It shall see to it that food be equally distributed within
the Soviet districts. This work began in Mien-che-kang at an early date,
followed by Kiangsi in the Spring of 1933. The inauguration of the foreign
trade bureau produced the initial success in this direction.

In the Soviet territory national economy is composed of three parts, namely
state cooperative and private enterprises. The state undertakings are at
present very much limited in scope but have a bright prospect in future.
Within the pale of law, private economy is, far from being restricted, rather
encouraged, owing to the Soviets need for private economy. Not only at the
present time, but for a long time to come, private economy is predominant.
Now it assumes the form of small capital in the Soviet districts.

The cooperative enterprises are making a rapid advance. According to the
statistics of September, 1933, there are 1,423 cooperatives with a capital
of $305,531 in 17 hsiens. In certain hsiens like
Suikin and Sinkuo the number of cooperatives has doubled owing to the
encouragement of the economic conference. At present the consumption and
food cooperatives are of major importance. They overshadow the production
cooperatives. As to the credit cooperatives, they are just in the initial
stage. No doubt the development of the cooperatives constitutes an important
lever of Soviet economy. Combined with state enterprises, it will become
a mighty force in the economic field, assert its supremacy over private economy
in a protracted struggle, create conditions for transition of Soviet economy
to socialist economy. State enterprises shall be pushed together with the
big-scale development of the cooperatives, at the same time, private economy
will be encouraged.

As an aid to the development of the state enterprises and the cooperatives,
$3,000,000 economic reconstruction bonds have been issued thus enlisting
the support of the masses to the Soviet economic construction. In face of
millions of starving people and with an impoverished country, the Soviets
alone boldly embark on economic reconstruction in a planned way which will
carry out the task of saving millions now in distress from final
collapse.

  SOVIET CULTURE


For making sure the victory of the revolution, for consolidating the Soviets,
for drawing the gigantic forces of the masses in the revolutionary class
struggle, for creating a new revolutionary generation the Soviets must proceed
with far-reaching cultural reforms designed to shake off the spiritual yoke
of the reactionary ruling class as well as to create a new Soviet culture
for the workers and peasants.

As is known to all, cultural institutions of the KMT are without exception
in the hands of the landlord and bourgeoisie, employed to spread demagogical
propaganda to check the revolutionary thought of the oppressed classes. In
support of illiteracy they exclude the workers and peasants from education.
Educational appropriations have been used for the attack on the revolution.
Legions of colleges and universities have closed down, throwing out thousands
of students. Over 80 per cent of the population under the KMT is still
illiterate. Left wing thought has been ruthlessly suppressed by the white
terror. Left writers have been arrested by the Fascist thugs. Educational
institutions have become a hell for the masses, a fact that characterizes
the educational policy of the KMT.

But in the Soviet territory all cultural and educational institutions are
under the direct control of the workers and peasants, giving their children
a preferred right to enjoy education, The Soviets have done its best in raising
the cultural level of the masses. In spite of the Soviets being located in
a backward region and threatened by war from all sides, cultural reconstruction
has been going on at an accelerated pace.

For the 2,931 villages in Kiangsi, Fukien and Yeh-kang provinces there are
3,052 Leninist primary schools with 89,710 pupils, 64,612 evening schools
with an attendance of 94,517; 32,388 reading groups with a membership of
155,371; 1,656 clubs with 49,668 workers. These are only the statistics compiled
up from the data in the central Soviet districts.

A majority of the school-children have attended the Leninist primaries. For
instance, out of the 20,969 school children in Sinkuo, 12,860 have attended
the Leninist primaries. The school children spend most of the time in reading
and reserve only a small fraction of the time for family work. They also
join the red boy scouts and learn practical communism therein.

Women are very enthusiastic for education, too. In Sinkuo there are 15,740
pupils for the evening schools, out of which 4,988(31 per cent) are men,
and 10,752(69 per cent) are women. Among the reading groups of Sinkuo we
find that 40 per cent of the membership is men, while the female members
amount to as high as 60 per cent. Not only eager for education, some of the
women have occupied high positions in the cultural institutions. They serve
as heads of the primaries or evening schools, or as directors of the reading
groups. The delegate council of woman workers and peasants is almost universal
in the Soviets, directing close attention to the interests of the toiling
women, including education.

A vigorous campaign against illiteracy is in full swing. Evening schools
for reading have been established (in Sinkuo the number of people who joined
the reading groups, scattered all over the
hsien, – 3,387 ). To help reading, signboards inscribed
with characters have been set up close to the highways.

The cultural advance of the Soviets may be illustrated by the increase in
the circulation of the papers. In the Central Soviet district we have some
34 papers big and small. The Red China, organ of the
Soviet government, has increased its circulation from 3,000 to 40,000; the
True Word of the Youth up to 28,000; the Struggle, (organ of
the Central Communist Party), 27,000; the Red Star (organ of the red
army), 17,300, an increase that testifies to the rapid advance of the masses
in the cultural field.

The revolutionary arts of the Soviets have already made a good start with
the formation of the worker and peasant drama club and the commencement of
the blue-shirt movement extending in all directions in the villages. Red
sports have been gaining ground everywhere. Gymnasium fields may be seen
here and there.

Now the Soviets, though having not much to show in the construction of technical
education, have nevertheless succeeded in establishing the Red Army University.
The Soviet University, the Communist University and many higher schools under
the direct control of the ministry of education, all calculated to train
leaders for the revolutionary leadership. Colleges and high schools must
follow closely on the heels of the development of the ordinary schools as
is scheduled in the educational plan.

For training the revolutionary intelligentsia, for the development of education
and culture the Soviets have utilized the services of the landlord-bourgeoisie
intelligentsia – a point that cannot be overlooked in the cultural policy
of the Soviets.

The general line of the cultural policy of the Soviets is to educate the
broad masses in the spirit of communism, to subordinate education to the
revolutionary war and the class struggle, to link labour with education.
In the educational field the central tasks confronting the Soviets are the
enforcement of compulsory education throughout the whole land, the development
of social education on a wide scale, the rapid liquidation of illiteracy,
the training of large numbers of cadres for revolution. All these tasks can
be performed only under the Soviets because they signalize the sharpened
class struggle and an unprecedented victory for spiritual emancipation.

  MARRIAGE UNDER THE SOVIETS


To free women from the most barbarous marriage system handed down through
thousands of years, the Soviets as early as November, 1931, proclaimed the
equality of men and women in marriages by a new set of regulations which
declared complete liberty of marriage and divorce, abolish the sale of women
as wives, interdict child marriage, provisions that have been enforced throughout
the Soviet territory. As a rule, a man of twenty may marry a girl of 18 by
simple registration with the Soviets provided he is free from dangerous disease.
Lineal descendants from the same grandfather, however, cannot marry each
other within five generations. Divorce may be granted by the Soviets if one
of the parties to the marriage insist on it.

This liberation of women from the feudal marriage fetters is made possible
only under the democratic dictatorship of the workers and peasants subsequent
to the overthrow of the landlord-bourgeoisie and the accomplishment of the
land revolution. Men and women, particularly the latter must have first of
all political liberty and also some measure of economic liberty as a guarantee
for free marriage. More oppressed by the feudal marriage system than men,
women have been given more protection in the matter of marriage, and the
burden arising from divorce is imposed for the most part on the shoulders
of men.

Of vital importance to the revolution are children who we may say are new
revolutionists, to whom protection must be afforded. The Soviets recognize
the illegal children and give them protection. The protection of children
has been laid down in the Soviet Law.

  NATIONALITY POLICY OF SOVIETS


The point of departure for the Soviet nationality policy is the capture of
all the oppressed minorities around the Soviets as a means to increase the
strength of the revolution against imperialism and KMT. The oppressed minorities
such as the Mongols, Tibetans, Koreans, Annamites, Miaos etc. General Geng
Yu-hsiang massacred the Mohammedans in Kansu while General Pei Tsung-shi
butchered the Miaos in Kwangsi to mention but two recent examples of the
Kuomintang in maltreating the minorities. On the other hand, the ruling classes
of the minorities such as princes, living Buddhas, Lamas etc. have allied
with the KMT in oppressing and exploiting the mass of people, especially
the toilers. In the case of Tibet, Sinkiang and Inner Mongolia the ruling
classes have directly surrendered to imperialism and accelerated the colonization
of their country.

The Soviets, on the other hand, are decisively against the exploitation of
the minorities by imperialism and KMT. The constitution of the Soviets as
passed by the 1st Soviet Congress in November, 1931, is quite
clear on this point (Article 14):

"Soviet China recognizes the complete self-determination of the minorities
who may go so far as to secede and form independent free states. Soviet China
shall see to it that the minorities be freed from the misrule of imperialism
and KMT and secure complete emancipation from the misrule of their own princes
and Lamas. In this regard the Soviets will gladly aid the minorities in carrying
out this task. The Soviets will permit the development of national culture
and languages among these minorities."

Article 15 of the same constitution provides that "Soviet China will give
the right of asylum to the revolutionaries either from the nationalities
in China or from other countries who should have been persecuted by the
reactionary rule; it will help them in securing complete victory for the
revolutionary movement sponsored by them."

The fact that any Korean, Annam and Taiwan comrades attended the
1st Soviet Congress and 2nd Soviet Congress is a concrete proof
that the Soviets mean what it says. The common revolutionary interests will
unite the toilers of China with those of the minorities in a firm alliance.
The free union of nationalities will replace national oppression, an event
that is possible only under the Soviets. To achieve complete emancipation
the minority nationality shall, on its part, assist the Soviet-revolution
in securing a victory on a national scale.

  CONCRETE TASKS CONFRONTING THE SOVIETS
  IN SHATTERING THE FIFTH CAMPAIGN OF IMPERIALISM AND KMT


In the past two years the Soviets have scored successive victories over the
KMT; as a result of which the relation of power between the Soviets and KMT
has apparently changed in favour of the former, but at the expense of the
latter. The Soviets have consolidated but the KMT has been steadily on the
decline. The masses in KMT territory have put up the revolutionary flag.
But owing to the fact that the Soviets are situated in a region economically
backward with only a comparatively small area, we must extend our territory
and fight for the realization of the task of capturing one or more provinces.
We must shatter the illusions of those who are satisfied with the present
limited area of the Soviets. The revolutionary masses under the Soviets are
called on to fight for the carrying out of the following urgent tasks:

  RECONSTRUCTION OF RED ARMY


First of all the central revolutionary military committee shall be strengthened
in its leadership of the whole red army so as to make it possible for the
red armies to act more efficiently under a unified, strengthened command.
In the second place, the expansion of the red army to 1,000,000 as a slogan
must be popularized among the toiling masses, enabling them to understand
that 1,000,000 red army is a decisive factor in the struggle against imperialism
and KMT. Recruiting shall be made through political agitation instead of
compulsion. At the same time, a sharp class struggle together with the Soviet
laws shall be directed against the alien elements who blocked the expansion
of the red army by desertions. The families of the red armists shall be treated
in a better way. Land shall be cultivated and ploughed for them, articles
of every-day use supplied to them, in order to comfort them spiritually.
The Soviets shall see to it that all those who sabotage the work in this
respect shall be punished by law.

To consolidate the red army a political education is of special importance.
It will enable the red armists to fight consciously for the victory of the
Soviets, to value conscious discipline as a guarantee for the victory of
the revolution. The system of the political commissioners shall be observed
in all the units of the red army, more workers drawn in to act as military
or political directors, more cadres turned to from the red army schools,
decisive blows directed against the landlord-bourgeois elements who try to
steal into the red army, technique of the red army improved.

The red guards and youth vanguards shall be universally formed in all the
Soviet districts, all the grown boys and girls armed as a reserve in defense
of the rear. Every youth vanguardist shall be made to understand that
conscription plays a big role in the future big-scale civil wars against
imperialism and the KMT. Conscription in general shall be popularized among
the masses, model youth vanguards be incorporated into formal red armies,
more red partisans organized in the bordering districts who may penetrate
far into the white regions. A closer relation shall be maintained between
the red armies and the toiling masses.

The supplies and transport for the red armies shall be assured and taken
care of by the financial and economic organs of the Soviets as well as by
the transport and sanitary organs of the red army.


  SOVIET ECONOMIC RECONSTRUCTION


 To crush the economic blockade of the enemy, to counteract the manipulation
of the wicked merchants, to assure the revolutionary needs, to improve the
lot of the workers and peasants, the Soviets must proceed at once with economic
reconstruction in various fields.

In the first place, agricultural production shall be raised, enthusiasm of
the masses for such production aroused, propaganda campaigns in ploughing
and harvest time launched, all peasantry drawn into the production campaign
(including peasant women). Labour mutual assistance and ploughing corps shall
be widely organized, the oxen and seed problems solved with the aid of the
Soviets. Our fighting slogans are "Liquidate all fallow land." "Increase
the crops by 20 per cent." The food bureau of the Soviets shall maintain
a more close relation with the food cooperatives to assure ample food for
the red army and the masses. The commissar of national economy shall map
out a plan for the more important branches of agriculture, as food and cotton.

The tasks of the Soviet economic reconstruction rest need of the revival
of the handicraft industry and the needs of the war. In elaborating the plans
for economic reconstruction, consideration must be taken of the needs of
the revolutionary war, the needs of the masses and the possibility of exports
to the white regions. Maximum energy shall be devoted to the leading industries
as Tungsten, coal, iron, lime, agricultural instruments, tobacco, paper,
cloth, sugar, drugs, nitrate-salt, lumber, camphor, etc. Production cooperatives
shall be organized for these industries, drawing in the unemployed, independent
workers and peasants. Private investment being permitted, the Soviets shall
not monopolize all the productive enterprises but concentrate on those beneficial
to the state. The vital means to raise production are more incentive to labour,
competition in production reward to those who have made achievements on the
production front.

The exchange of Soviet surplus (as food, tungsten, lumber, tobacco, paper)
with salt, cloth, oils, etc., from the white regions as may be made possible
through the development of foreign trade serves as an important lever in
breaking through the blockade of the enemy and in promoting the development
of our national economy. The commercial institutions of the Soviets shall
be consolidated while private merchants be encouraged for exportation and
importation of necessaries. Wide masses of the workers and peasants shall
be organized in consumption cooperatives to be set up everywhere, and thus
enabled to buy cheap but sell at higher prices their products to the white
regions, a possibility that plays a vital role in the economic reconstruction
of the Soviets. The Soviets must strengthen their leadership of the central
consumption cooperatives, and see to it that such centers be established
where they do not yet exist.

The solution of the capital problem as involved in economic reconstruction
is found in the absorption of capital from the masses through the development
credit cooperatives which will smash usury to pieces. The money of the masses
will flow into the state enterprises through such channels as economic bonds,
subscriptions, to the stock of the state bank, etc. Capital in the Soviet
districts will be made mobile through the encouragement of the private capital.
The note issue of the Soviet banks shall correspond to the needs of the market
and absorb the deposits from the masses, to lend the money so gathered to
production enterprises. The soviet banks shall provide financial relief within
the soviet territory and lead the struggle of the cooperatives against the
speculative merchants.

  RECONSTRUCTION OF SOVIETS


The central Soviet Government inaugurated as the supreme leader of the Soviet
movement in China has a vital significance, and has in the past two years
scored glorious success in the fight against imperialism and KMT, but many
weakness are found in the organization and work of the central government.
The organization and work of the presidium of the central executive committee
shall be improved and strengthened, the commissariats shall have a sufficient
working staff, more commissariats created, if necessary, so the central
government can fulfill its role as the supreme leader of the revolution.

As an important link with the central government as well as with local Soviets,
the provincial Soviet government has been lax in its work in certain respects,
a defect which shall be overcome hereafter.

The village and town Soviets constitute the basis of the Soviet system and
for this simple reason merit the utmost attention . Congresses shall be
established in places where they do not yet exist, and their work strengthened.
Presidia shall be set up, committees moved into the villages, militant workers
and peasants drawn into the Soviets, relation between a delegate and a number
of inhabitants established, each village shall have a general delegate permitting
him to call a conference of the delegates and inhabitants to discuss the
work to be done. The village and town Soviets are the direct organs for the
mobilization of the masses and do practical work in the village and street.
The latter may compete with each other in order to raise the efficiency of
their work. As regards the work done by local Soviets, the system of inspection
shall rigorously be enforced. The district Soviets shall give an efficient
leadership in regard to the lower Soviets.

The provincial Soviets shall direct maximum attention to the work in new
Soviet territory where a revolutionary committee exists in place of the Soviets.
In regard to organization and work, the revolutionary committee differs radically
from the Soviets and its work (as arming the inhabitants, waging the mass
struggle, clearing the counter-revolutionaries, etc.) shall be strengthened.

Soviet democracy has progressed far but not enough. A struggle shall be waged
against bureaucratism and dictation still remaining among the Soviet
functionaries. Persuasion shall replace dictation vis-à-vis the masses.
The worker and peasant inspection commissariat shall draw in large masses
for the critical examination of the work of the Soviet functionaries and
lead the struggle in criticizing the evil functionaries, even punish them
in accordance with Soviet laws, thus maintaining the good relations between
the Soviets and the masses. In the Soviet elections more electors shall be
drawn in and alien elements, bureaucrats, etc., barred. More workers shall
be attracted into the Soviets in order to strengthen the workers' hegemony
in the government. In order to get close to the masses the Soviets must establish
an intimate connection with the labour unions, the poor peasant unions,
cooperatives, etc.

All the work of the Soviets shall be adapted to the needs of the revolutionary
war, any relaxation among the Soviet functionaries be stamped out, the
functionaries aroused to enthusiasm and consciousness that they work for
the worker and peasant democratic dictatorship. Slogans shall be put forward
"Subordinate all work to the revolutionary war," "For the greater speed and
better quality of the work," all to be brought before the functionaries of
the Soviets. In this respect the responsible leaders of the Soviets, especially
the worker and peasant inspection commissariat, must win over the Soviet
functionaries by persistent persuasion and education.

The Soviets shall enforce the following laws: labour (eight-hours, minimum
wages, etc. ), land revolution (confiscation of land of the landlord, land
inspection, etc.), culture and education, and, finally, all the laws and
orders against the counter-revolutionaries (GPU and Soviet courts drawing
in large masses in the struggle against the reactionaries.

  ANTI - IMPERIALIST WORK


The Soviets must strengthen its leadership of the anti-imperialist struggle
throughout the whole country as well as of the revolutionary struggle of
the workers and peasants against the KMT in the white territory. Passivity
on the part of the Soviets in this direction means connivance at the aggression
of imperialism, prolongation of the KMT misrule and limitation on the development
of the Soviets in the territorial aspect. The Soviets must look forward to
the vast area of the KMT and lead the workers, peasants and petty bourgeoisie
there in the struggle against imperialism and KMT. By utilizing the concrete
facts of the KMT's surrender to imperialism the Soviets may arouse the masses
in the white regions to a sharp struggle against imperialism and its lackey,
the Kuomintang. The Soviets shall call on the masses to organize and arm
themselves, to fight for the independence of China, to drive imperialism
out of China; in Manchuria and Jehol where Japanese imperialism still marches
on with bayonets, the people, revolutionary army and volunteers shall be
organized, the existing volunteers be alienated from the influence of the
KMT in a determined fight against Japanese imperialism. The Soviets must
give aid to every anti-imperialist struggle of the workers, peasants and
petty-bourgeoisie.

The Soviets shall aid in every way possible the revolutionary struggle of
the workers against capital and of the peasants against the landlord, and
lead it to victory. The functionaries of the Soviets must understand that
expansion of the Soviet territory and success of the revolution on a national
scale depends much on the work of the Soviets in the KMT area, that they
have to devote the greatest attention to the white regions where the masses
are subject to the military slavery and other exaction and are most apt to
accept our influence, the more so in the districts bordering on the Soviets.

By making use of every opportunity the Soviets in the borderland shall establish
regular contact with the masses, organize their everyday struggle, organize
their revolt, develop partisan fighting, bring the new districts under the
control of the Soviets. The work in the borderland is of special importance.
The partisans must observe the fundamental policy of the Soviets and refrain
from making indiscriminate attacks on the Tuhao without
any regard to class distinctions. In addition, the opposition of the reds
to the whites, the flight of the masses, the salt question, the refugee problem,
etc., shall be solved on the class principle and in accordance with the principle
of mass work. The causes of the opposition of the reds to the whites and
the flight of the masses have to be removed, and in the work in the borderland
to be improved, factors that can play a decisive role in changing the white
into red districts.


Transcription by the Maoist Documentation Project.