The Decision on Certain Questions in the Land Struggle, adopted by the Conference on October 10, 1933, is hereby promulgated.

(1) Wherever the class status determinations made in various localities before October 10, 1933, do not conform to this Decision, they shall immediately be revised in accordance with this Decision.

Where the revision of class status necessitates changes in the disposal of land and property: For those cases where the farmland, houses, mountain forests, ponds, garden plots, etc., of middle peasants, poor peasants, poor people, workers, etc., have already been distributed, every effort shall be made to return them to the original owners. However, property other than farmland, houses, mountain forests, ponds, and garden plots shall only be returned to the original owners to the extent possible (e.g., where there is still landlord property in the locality that can be confiscated).

For the farmland, houses, mountain forests, ponds, garden plots, draft oxen, farm implements, etc., due to rich peasants, as well as the property of capitalists, these shall only be returned to the original owners to the extent possible.

(3) Wherever judgments rendered by judicial organs in various localities before October 10, 1933, do not conform to this Decision: Those already executed shall remain unchanged, and the original judgments shall be upheld. Those not yet executed or currently in the process of execution shall be immediately revised in accordance with this Decision.

(4) Wherever class status determinations made, and the disposal of land and property based on class status, in various localities before and after October 10, 1933, conform to this Decision and contain no errors, no person shall demand alteration of such disposal.

Chairman Mao Zedong
Deputy Chairman Xiang Ying
October 10, 1933, Gregorian Calendar


The Central Government's Decision on Certain Questions in the Land Struggle (mimeographed)
Central Government People's Committee
1933


In the struggle over land distribution and land inspection, many practical problems have arisen.

For these problems, either previous documents contained no provisions, or the provisions were unclear, or Soviet工作人员 (Soviet functionaries) provided incorrect interpretations, leading to errors in implementation.

In order to correct and prevent errors on these questions, the People's Committee, in addition to approving the principles set forth in "How to Analyze Class Status" regarding the analysis of landlords, rich peasants, middle peasants, poor peasants, and workers, hereby makes the following decisions:

1. Labor and Supplementary Labor
Under ordinary circumstances, if in a family one person engages in primary labor for one-third of the time each year, the family is considered to have labor. If in a family one person engages in primary labor for less than one-third of the time each year, or although engaging in labor for one-third of the time each year but the labor is not primary labor, it is all considered to have supplementary labor.

(2) The standard number of laborers in a family is stipulated as one person. If a family has several members, and among them one person labors, the family is counted as having labor. Some people believe that only when the entire family or the majority of the family participates in labor can the family be considered as having labor; this is incorrect.

(3) The standard duration of labor is stipulated as one-third of a year, i.e., four months. Engaging in primary labor for a full four months versus less than four months serves as the dividing line between labor and supplementary labor (i.e., the dividing line between rich peasants and landlords). Some people regard engaging in primary labor for half a year as still being supplementary labor; this is incorrect.

(4) "Engaging in primary labor" refers to engaging in labor in the primary sectors of production, such as plowing, transplanting rice seedlings, harvesting grain, and other important labor tasks in production. But it is not limited to agricultural production; for example, cutting firewood, carrying loads, and performing other important labor tasks are all primary labor.

(5) "Non-primary labor" refers to various auxiliary labors that occupy only a secondary position in production, such as assisting with weeding, assisting with vegetable planting, tending to draft oxen, etc.

(6) Since labor is the primary criterion for distinguishing rich peasants from landlords, those who only hire long-term laborers for cultivation, have no other exploitation such as land rent or usury, bear the responsibility of directing production themselves, but do not personally engage in primary labor, shall still be treated as landlords and shall not be allocated land.

(7) The temporal criterion for constituting the class status of a landlord begins from the time of the uprising, counting backward. Those who have continuously lived as landlords for a full three years constitute the landlord class.

During the land inspection movement, many errors have occurred regarding the issue of labor and supplementary labor. Some have treated those with labor as having only supplementary labor and classified them as landlords, while others have treated those with only supplementary labor as having labor and classified them as rich peasants. This is all because there was previously no clear standard for the demarcation between landlords and rich peasants. Following the above provisions can prevent such errors.

However, the above provisions refer to "ordinary circumstances." Under special circumstances, different treatments are required. There are two aspects here.

The first aspect concerns large landlords whose family members include persons participating in production. For example, if someone exploits others through land rent and usury on a very large scale—such as collecting over one hundred dan (piculs) in rent, or lending over one thousand silver dollars in usury—while the family population is small and consumption is not large, then even if a family member engages in primary labor for over four months each year, the person is still a landlord, not a rich peasant. Conversely, if the family population is very large and consumption is very large, then even with one hundred dan of rent or one thousand dollars in debt, if a family member engages in primary labor, the person is still not a landlord but a rich peasant.

The second aspect concerns those who, judging by their exploitation situation, would be considered landlords, but judging by their living situation, cannot be treated as landlords. For example, someone who was previously a rich peasant or middle peasant, but due to death or illness in the years before the uprising, suddenly lost labor capacity and had no choice but to rent out all their land or hire others to cultivate it, thereby living as a landlord. It would be inappropriate to treat such a person as a landlord; they should be treated according to their original class status. Another example is someone who is nominally still a landlord, but whose land rights actually belong to others, whose exploitation income is minimal, who already engages in supplementary labor personally, and whose living standard is even inferior to that of peasants. Such persons shall be allocated inferior land as rich peasants. In extreme cases, with the consent of the masses, they may be allocated land as peasants. Yet another example is someone who was a peasant but, encountering a special opportunity two years before the uprising, suddenly became wealthy and turned into a landlord. Their land should certainly be confiscated, but because they were a peasant two years prior, with the consent of the masses, they may also be allocated inferior land as rich peasants.

In the land inspection movement, some localities have overlooked these special circumstances; this is also incorrect.

2. Well-to-Do Middle Peasants
Well-to-do middle peasants are a part of the middle peasants who engage in slight exploitation of others. The amount of their exploitation income shall not exceed 15 percent of the total annual income of their family. Under certain circumstances, even if the exploitation income exceeds 15 percent of the total income but does not exceed 30 percent, and the masses do not object, they are still regarded as well-to-do middle peasants. Under Soviet political power, the interests of well-to-do middle peasants shall receive the same protection as those of ordinary middle peasants.

(2) The difference between well-to-do middle peasants and rich peasants lies in the fact that the amount of annual exploitation income of a well-to-do middle peasant does not exceed 15 percent of the total annual income of their family, whereas that of a rich peasant exceeds 15 percent. The establishment of this limit is necessary for practically distinguishing class statuses.

(3) The "slight exploitation" of well-to-do middle peasants refers to hiring child herders, or hiring day laborers, or hiring monthly laborers, or lending small amounts of money at interest, or leasing small amounts of pawned land, or collecting small amounts of school rent, or renting out small amounts of land, etc. But all such exploitation does not constitute a significant component in the source of the family's livelihood, i.e., it does not exceed 15 percent. The main part of the family's livelihood relies on their own labor.

(4) Even if, during the period close to the uprising, there was exploitation of an amount equivalent to the exploitation amount of a rich peasant over the same period, but it did not exceed two years, they are still regarded as well-to-do middle peasants.

(5) "Under certain circumstances," although exceeding 15 percent but not exceeding 30 percent of the total income, and the masses do not object, they are still well-to-do middle peasants. "Certain circumstances" here refers to situations where the exploitation amount exceeds 15 percent, but the family has a large population and little labor power, and does not live affluently; or further encounters floods, droughts, or famines, or faces illness, death, or funerals, and instead turns toward hardship. Under these circumstances, if the exploitation amount does not exceed 30 percent, they cannot be considered rich peasants but should be considered middle peasants. Without these circumstances, those whose exploitation income exceeds 15 percent of the total income are rich peasants and should not be considered well-to-do middle peasants. The correct judgment of these circumstances relies on the public opinion of the local masses.

Well-to-do middle peasants constitute a considerable number in rural areas. During the land inspection movement, many localities have treated them as rich peasants, which is incorrect. Incidents of infringing upon middle peasants that have occurred in various places mostly involve infringing upon such well-to-do middle peasants and should be corrected immediately.

Examples:
(1) A family of six persons to feed, with one person laboring. They have 50 dan of field (capacity), reaping a net harvest of 35 dan of grain (market price 4 yuan per dan, total value 140 yuan), entirely cultivated by themselves. They have five rooms of housing, one ox. They have one pond, yielding an income of 12 silver dollars. Miscellaneous grain production and pig-rearing yield about 100 yuan annually. They lend out 3 dan of grain, at 50% interest, receiving 1.5 dan annually (worth 6 yuan), for four years. They lend out 100 silver dollars (equivalent to 1,800 jiao of small silver coin) at 25% interest, receiving 25 yuan annually, for five years. Judgment: This family relies on its own labor as the main source of livelihood, with its own production amounting to over 150 yuan. It has usury exploitation of others, but the annual interest received is only 29 yuan, which is below 15 percent of the total income. After family expenditures, there is a surplus, and their livelihood is quite good. However, because the exploitation amount is not large, they are counted only as well-to-do middle peasants, not rich peasants.

(2) A family of five persons to feed, with one and a half persons laboring. They have 25 dan of their own field (capacity), reaping a net harvest of 17 dan of grain. They borrow 75 dan of field (capacity), reaping a net harvest of 42 dan of grain, paying 25 dan in rent, for ten years. Miscellaneous grain production and pig-rearing yield 50 yuan annually. They hire one child herder, for three years. They lend out 60 silver dollars, at 30% interest, receiving 18 yuan annually, for four years. They have five rooms of housing, one ox. They have one plot of tung tree mountain, annually harvesting 30 dan of tung fruit. Judgment: This family's livelihood mainly relies on its own labor. It exploits others very little annually, only a little over 20 yuan (hiring a child herder and lending money combined), while it is exploited by others through land rent amounting to as much as 25 dan. After family expenditures, little remains. It can only be counted as an ordinary middle peasant, not yet a well-to-do middle peasant.

3. Exploitation Duration and Exploitation Amount for Rich Peasants
Counting backward from the time of the uprising, within a continuous period of three years, those who, besides participating in production themselves, also rely on exploitation for part or most of their family's livelihood, and whose exploitation amount exceeds 15 percent of the total annual income of their entire family, are called rich peasants. Under certain circumstances, even if the exploitation amount exceeds 15 percent of the total income but does not exceed 30 percent, and the masses do not object, they are still not rich peasants but well-to-do middle peasants.

(Note) Attention should be paid here: (1) The time of the uprising is taken as the starting point for calculating the exploitation period; no other time may be taken as the starting point for calculating the exploitation period. Some people settle old accounts, taking exploitation from very early years separated by intervening gaps as the basis for determining class status; this is incorrect.

(2) Continuous exploitation for three years is taken as the standard period for constituting the class status of a rich peasant. If the exploitation period does not exceed three years, or even if it is three years but is separated by gaps (not continuous), although the exploitation amount is the same as that of a rich peasant over the same period, they are still regarded as well-to-do middle peasants.

(3) The exploitation amount must exceed 15 percent of the total annual income of the entire family to constitute the class status of a rich peasant. If the exploitation amount is below 15 percent of the total income, even with continuity for three years or more, it cannot constitute the class status of a rich peasant, but remains the class status of a well-to-do middle peasant.

(4) "Total annual income of the entire family" refers to the combined sum of the portion produced by themselves and the portion exploited from others. For example, if a certain family produces 400 yuan from its own labor annually and exploits 100 yuan from others annually, totaling 500 yuan, this is the total income. The exploited portion accounts for 20 percent of the total income; therefore, they are rich peasants.

(5) "Certain circumstances" refers to situations where the family population is large, labor power is small, so their livelihood is not rich, or due to natural and man-made disasters, they instead turn toward hardship. In such circumstances, even if the exploitation amount exceeds 15 percent but does not exceed 30 percent, and the masses do not object, they are still regarded as well-to-do middle peasants. Here, the opinion of the masses is extremely important, and the consideration of such circumstances must also be very careful. Well-to-do middle peasants should not be mistaken for rich peasants, causing dissatisfaction among the middle peasants; but at the same time, rich peasants should not be mistaken for well-to-do middle peasants, causing dissatisfaction among the poor peasants. Therefore, careful consideration is needed, and the consent of the masses must be obtained.

In the land inspection movement, many disputes have arisen over this issue of duration and amount. This is because there was previously no clear standard for the demarcation between rich peasants and well-to-do middle peasants, leading some to treat well-to-do middle peasants as rich peasants, and others to treat rich peasants as well-to-do middle peasants, with frequent disputes over the distinction. The method of demarcation now stipulated can prevent such abuses.

**Examples:**

*(A)* A family of eleven eats, one person labors.
Owns 160 dan of fields, actually harvests 110 dan of grain (valued at 480 yuan).
Has one tract of tea-producing mountain land, yielding an annual income of 30 silver dollars.
Has one pond, yielding an annual income of 15 silver dollars.
Production of miscellaneous grains and pig-raising, etc., are worth about 150 yuan annually.
Regularly employed one long-term laborer for seven years, up until the time of the revolution, exploiting surplus labor worth about 70 yuan annually.
Loaned out 150 silver dollars at 30% annual interest, receiving 75 yuan per year, for five years, up until the time of the revolution.
Has one son who is a *xiucai* (licentiate), skilled in drafting legal petitions and engaging in litigation, leveraging power to bully others.
**Assessment:** This family has one person who labors, but employs a long-term laborer and lends a considerable amount of money. Exploitation income exceeds 15% of the family's total income. Although the family is large, after expenses, there is still a significant surplus. Therefore, it is a **rich peasant**. Should be allocated bad land. The family has one evil gentry member; that person shall not be allocated any land.

*(B)* A family of three eats, one person is capable of performing primary labor for four months.
Owns 60 dan of fields, self-tills 30 dan, actually harvests 18 dan of grain.
Rents out 30 dan of fields, collects 11 dan of rental grain, having done so for five years.
Regularly hires short-term labor for about ten days each year.
Owns one ox, which can yield an annual ox-hire grain tax of 1 dan.
Loaned out 110 silver dollars at 30% annual interest, receiving 36 yuan per year, for three years.
**Assessment:** This family's exploitation income exceeds the value of its own production. However, because one person performs four months of primary labor, it is a **rich peasant**. Should be allocated bad land.

**IV. Reactionary Rich Peasants**
Rich peasants who committed significant counter-revolutionary acts before the uprising, and especially after the uprising, are called reactionary rich peasants.
For a reactionary rich peasant, the land and property of the individual himself and those family members who participated in such counter-revolutionary acts shall be confiscated.
For reactionary capitalists, the above principles apply.

*(Note)* Attention should be paid here:
(A) Only rich peasants who have committed "significant counter-revolutionary acts" are called reactionary rich peasants. For example, leading militia to massacre workers and peasants during an uprising, stubbornly resisting the revolutionary government, especially, after the uprising, still leading others to organize counter-revolutionary groups or agencies, or individually carrying out significant counter-revolutionary activities such as assassination, acting as an enemy spy, voluntarily guiding White Army troops, fleeing to White areas to assist the Kuomintang, actively sabotaging the land investigation movement and economic construction, etc. For such individuals of rich peasant origin who have committed significant counter-revolutionary acts, once confirmed with evidence, their land and property shall be confiscated. Other rich peasants who may have committed counter-revolutionary acts, but not of a leading or significant nature, shall not have their land and property confiscated.
(B) Among the family members of a reactionary rich peasant, only the land and property of those members who participated in such significant counter-revolutionary acts shall be confiscated. The land and property of other family members shall not be confiscated.
(C) Those who temporarily go to White areas seeking a livelihood are not reactionary rich peasants, and their family property should not be confiscated. However, for those unwilling to reside in the Soviet area who go to live in a White area and do not return for a full year, even if they are not reactionary rich peasants, their family property should still be confiscated.
(D) The definition and treatment of reactionary capitalists fully apply the above provisions.
In many places in the past, the land and property of rich peasant elements who had not committed significant counter-revolutionary acts were confiscated, and within a family, the land and property of rich peasant members who had not participated in counter-revolutionary acts were also confiscated. This was wrong. One source of this error was Article 3 of the Jiangxi Land Confiscation and Distribution Ordinance: "For rich peasants joining counter-revolutionary organizations (such as the AB [Anti-Bolshevik] Corps, Social Democratic Party, etc.), the entire family's property is confiscated," without distinguishing between leaders and followers, or participants and non-participants. Regarding family members, although the latter half of this article stated: "If their family members have not joined counter-revolutionary organizations, have no counter-revolutionary acts, and have severed relations with the counter-revolutionary elements in their family, and the local masses do not object, their land may be returned," the initial step of confiscating the entire family's property, only to return a portion later, is still not a proper method. Therefore, this article should be revised according to the current provisions. Also, in some places in the past, the scope of confiscation for reactionary capitalists was expanded, leading to the confiscation of some shops that should not have been confiscated. This was also incorrect.

**Example:**
A family of nine eats, one person labors, and one person performs supplementary labor.
Owns 160 dan of fields, self-tills 80 dan, actually harvests 45 dan of grain.
Rents out 80 dan of fields, collects 40 dan of rent, having done so for ten years.
Owns five tracts of mountain land, yielding an annual income of 70 silver dollars.
Regularly employs one long-term laborer.
Owes a debt of 425 silver dollars at 25% annual interest, having owed it for three years.
Loaned out 380 silver dollars at 30% annual interest, for five years.
One person served as a company commander in the Peace Preservation Corps for two years, engaging in combat with the Red Guards five times. Another person joined the AB Corps for half a year, not as a key member, and has already surrendered to the government. The other family members have no obvious reactionary acts.
**Assessment:** This family's class status is **rich peasant**. One person committed significant counter-revolutionary work; this person is a reactionary rich peasant, and their individual property should be confiscated. The other individuals should not be subject to confiscation. The other person, although having joined the AB Corps, was not a key member and surrendered; this person's property should also not be confiscated.

**V. Levies on Rich Peasants**
Under the policy of weakening the rich peasants, during the period of civil war, besides implementing the basic methods of allocating bad land, confiscating surplus housing, draft animals, and farm tools, and levying higher progressive taxes, it is appropriate to also demand temporary levies from rich peasants. However, the amount of such levies shall at most not exceed 40% of the rich peasant's total available liquid assets. The frequency of levies should also be limited.

*(Note)*
(A) Recently, in carrying out levies on rich peasants, two tendencies have emerged: one is shielding rich peasants from levies, and the other is exhausting rich peasants' cash, making it indistinguishable from fines on landlords. Both are wrong, and the latter represents a tendency to eliminate the rich peasants, risking impact on middle peasants. It is now stipulated that the maximum shall not exceed 40%. Based on whether the rich peasant has previously paid levies and their current family circumstances, localities can demand that rich peasants donate an appropriate portion within the above maximum limit.
(B) Levies are temporary in nature, different from regular land taxes, so the frequency of levies should be limited, and they cannot be imposed repeatedly without end.
(C) The authority to demand levies from rich peasants is limited to the state financial organs. No other organ may demand levies from rich peasants.

**VI. Land, Houses, Draft Animals, and Farm Tools Due to Rich Peasants**
Regarding the land, houses, draft animals, farm tools, etc., determined to be due to rich peasants, under the condition of abiding by Soviet laws and decrees, rich peasants have the right to dispose of them, and others shall not interfere. Only under conditions that facilitate production and with the rich peasant's consent may workers, peasants, and poor people exchange houses with rich peasants.

*(Note)*
(A) Recently, in some places, workers, peasants, and poor people have been taking their own land, houses, draft animals, and farm tools to exchange for those due to rich peasants, and have even exchanged clothing and fertilizer. This is wrong. Because "weakening the rich peasants" should have limits. Through allocating relatively inferior land for labor share, confiscating surplus houses, draft animals, and farm tools, levying higher progressive taxes, and demanding a portion of cash, this "weakening" policy has already been implemented. Exceeding these limits is a tendency towards eliminating the rich peasants, which is not appropriate at the current stage of the revolution. Only under conditions that facilitate production and with the rich peasant's consent can houses be mutually exchanged.
(B) After the land question is correctly resolved, if the bad land allocated to a rich peasant has been improved and turned into good land, others may not subsequently exchange it.
(C) After the uprising, any additional draft animals, farm tools, or houses acquired by rich peasants, even if surplus, shall not be further confiscated or exchanged.

**VII. Compulsory Labor Service for Rich Peasants**
Rich peasants should bear more compulsory labor service for the state and locality than workers, peasants, and poor people, but limited to the extent that it does not hinder the rich peasant's production.

*(Note)*
Assigning compulsory labor service to rich peasants should be differentiated from assigning it to landlords. The able-bodied adults of landlords should be fully organized into labor service teams, trained, and made to participate in state and local labor work, transforming their class nature through the labor process and eliminating the landlord class. Rich peasants should bear more compulsory labor service compared to workers, peasants, and poor people, but they cannot be made to bear unlimited compulsory labor service like landlords, to the point of hindering production. Therefore, grouping rich peasants and landlords into the same labor service team and assigning them compulsory labor that requires long-term detachment from production during busy agricultural seasons, when rich peasants have no surplus labor and there is no compensation mechanism, is not proper. However, this does not apply in cases where production is not hindered, the rich peasant has surplus labor, or other compensation methods exist.

**VIII. Bankrupt Landlords**
Landlords who, before the uprising, had already lost all or the majority of their exploitation income from land and property, but still do not engage in labor and rely mainly on deception, plunder, or support from relatives and friends as their main source of livelihood, are called bankrupt landlords. Bankrupt landlords are still part of the landlord class and shall not be allocated land. However, landlords who, after bankruptcy, have relied mainly on their own labor as their main source of livelihood for at least one full year should have their class status changed and have the right to land allocation. Landlords who, after bankruptcy, rely on their own labor for a portion of their livelihood, reaching one-third of their annual living expenses, shall be treated according to the status of rich peasants.

*(Note)*
Some people call partially bankrupt landlords "bankrupt landlords." This is incorrect, because such landlords still have some property from which they derive exploitation; it is merely a change in the amount of exploitation income. Some people call those who have engaged in primary labor for a full year after bankruptcy "bankrupt landlords." This is even more incorrect, because once a landlord has engaged in primary labor for a full year after bankruptcy (referring to before the uprising), they have already transformed from a landlord into a worker, poor peasant, or peasant. Some people still treat landlords who have engaged in a portion of labor after bankruptcy according to the status of landlords. This is also incorrect. Because if their labor reaches a level sufficient to sustain one-third of their annual living expenses, such a person should be given the treatment of a rich peasant.

**IX. Poor People**
Beyond workers, peasants, independent producers, and professionals, all those who rely on their own labor to engage in one or several professions, or those who mainly rely on their own labor power for their livelihood, or those who rely on very small capital operated by themselves to obtain the minimum subsistence living expenses, are all called poor people. Unemployed elements among the poor in villages and small market towns shall be allocated land. Poor elements in cities without housing shall be allocated housing belonging to landlords in the cities.

*(Note)*
Poor people constitute a considerable number in cities, and there is also a portion in villages and small market towns. The professions of the poor are very complex; the profession of some poor individuals frequently changes with seasons and cannot be fixed. Life for the poor is very difficult; their income often falls short of their expenditure. The poor elements referred to as relying on very small capital operated by themselves refer to small peddlers. Doctors, teachers, lawyers, journalists, authors, artists, etc., who do not exploit others are called professionals.

**X. Intellectuals**
(A) Intellectuals cannot be regarded as a separate class status. The class status of an intellectual is determined by the class to which they belong.
(B) All intellectuals of landlord or bourgeois origin, under the condition of abiding by Soviet laws and decrees, should be fully utilized to serve the Soviet.
(C) Intellectuals engaged in non-exploitative work, such as serving as teachers, editors, journalists, clerks, authors, artists, etc., are mental laborers. Such mental laborers shall be protected by Soviet law.

*(Note)*
(A) Recently, in many places, intellectuals have been unconditionally excluded. This is incorrect. Utilizing intellectuals of landlord or bourgeois origin to serve the Soviet is a policy beneficial to the Soviet revolution. During the time they serve the Soviet, efforts should be made to solve their livelihood issues.
(B) The principle that the class status of an intellectual is determined by the class to which they belong means: an intellectual of landlord origin is a landlord, an intellectual of rich peasant origin is a rich peasant, and an intellectual of middle peasant origin is a middle peasant. It is incorrect to treat intellectuals as a separate class component. It is even more incorrect to treat peasant children who have studied at school (the so-called "graduates") as a bad element.
(C) It is also incorrect to consider work such as teaching as not being labor.

**XI. Lumpenproletarians**
Individuals from worker, peasant, and other backgrounds who, immediately before the uprising, were subjected to oppression and exploitation by the landlords and bourgeoisie, thereby losing their occupations and land, and who have continuously relied mainly on illicit methods as their primary source of livelihood for three full years, are called lumpenproletarians (commonly known as vagrants).
The Soviet's policy towards the lumpenproletariat is to win over its masses, opposing its leaders and other elements who attach themselves to the exploiting classes and actively participate in counter-revolution. The main method for winning over the general masses of lumpenproletarians is to bring them back into productive labor, allocating land and work to them in the same manner as ordinary revolutionary people, and granting them the right to vote. However, land allocation requires residence in a village and the ability to cultivate the land oneself.

*(Note)*
Attention should be paid here:
(A) "Reliance mainly on illicit methods as the primary source of livelihood" refers to engagement in illicit professions such as theft, robbery, fraud, begging, gambling, or prostitution. It is incorrect for some people to universally label as vagrants those elements who are employed or semi-employed but engage in some illicit occupation (not their main source of livelihood).

Even calling those workers, peasants, and poor people who previously had bad habits (such as visiting prostitutes, gambling, or smoking opium) hooligans is even more incorrect.

(II) In some places, the leading elements of lumpenproletarians who actively participated in counterrevolution (so-called hooligan heads) are not punished, but are instead given land distribution, which is incorrect.

In some places, the demands of ordinary lumpenproletarian elements for land distribution are rejected, which is also incorrect.

11 Religious Professionals
Those who, for a full three years (immediately before the uprising), have relied mainly on religious or superstitious professions such as pastor, priest, monk, Taoist priest, vegetarian practitioner, geomancy practitioner, fortune-teller, or diviner as their primary source of livelihood are called religious professionals.

Religious professionals have no right to vote and must not be allocated land.

(Note): Those who practice such religious or superstitious professions but do not rely on them as their primary source of livelihood, and those who rely on them as their primary source of livelihood but for less than three years, must not be called religious professionals. They shall each be treated according to their class status, and must not have their voting rights uniformly revoked or uniformly denied land distribution. That is to say, those who engage in these religious or superstitious practices as a secondary occupation or who have relied on them as their primary profession for less than three years, if they are workers, peasants, or poor people, shall all have the right to vote, and those in the countryside shall be allocated land.

This applies to the individuals themselves; it goes without saying it also applies to their family members.

Some people call monks, Taoist priests, geomancy practitioners, and fortune-tellers hooligans, which is incorrect.

13 Red Army Soldiers Who Are of Landlord or Rich Peasant Origin and Land
For Red Army soldiers who are of landlord or rich peasant origin, provided they resolutely fight for the interests of the workers and peasants, regardless of whether they are commanders or combatants, both they and their families have the right to land distribution.

(1) Article 1 of the Regulations on Preferential Treatment for Red Army Soldiers: "Where the family of a Red Army soldier resides within a Soviet area, both the soldier and their family shall equally share in the distribution of land, houses, forests, and ponds on the same terms as the local poor peasants." This inherently includes all Red Army soldiers. However, recently in some places, only social origin is considered, not political performance, and the land already distributed to Red Army soldiers of landlord or rich peasant origin who resolutely fight for the interests of the workers and peasants has been confiscated anew. This is erroneous.

(2) "Family members of a Red Army soldier" refers to father, mother, wife, sons, daughters, and younger brothers and sisters under the age of 16. Others are not entitled to this right.

(3) If a Red Army soldier of landlord or rich peasant origin is discharged from military service, their land may be recovered.

14 Where a Worker's Family is Rich Peasant or Landlord
Where a worker's family is rich peasant or landlord, the class status of the worker and their wife shall remain unchanged as worker. Whether they should be allocated land shall be handled separately depending on whether they reside in a village or a city. Other members of the household shall be treated according to the landlord or rich peasant status.

(Note)
(1) In a landlord or rich peasant household, if someone had been selling their labor power for a full year immediately before the uprising, they shall be recognized as being of worker status. The person and their wife shall be treated according to worker status, and the portion of property belonging to them shall not be confiscated. If the worker and their wife reside in a village, they should be allocated land. If the worker and their wife reside in a city, they should not be allocated land. If the worker resides in a city and the wife in a village, the worker shall not be allocated land, but the wife shall be allocated land. Other members of the household shall be treated according to landlord or rich peasant status and shall not enjoy worker rights. If there are persons of other class statuses in the household, they shall be treated according to their respective statuses. (For example: In a household, if someone in the village relies mainly on collecting rent and lending money as their primary source of livelihood for a full three years, this person is a landlord. If someone has sold their labor power for a full year, this person is a worker. If someone has operated a small self-made and self-sold handicraft shop in a market town for a full year, this person is an independent producer. Their class status shall be determined based on the nature of their source of livelihood during a specific period, and their treatment under Soviet law shall be determined based on their class status.)

(2) Among rural workers, independent producers, primary school teachers, doctors, and others, those who also possess a small plot of land which is insufficient to sustain their livelihood in the village, who go out to make a living and lease out this small plot of land, and do not rely on it as their primary source of livelihood, shall be allocated land like ordinary peasants and must not be treated as landlords.

15 Class Status Following Intermarriage Between Landlords, Rich Peasants, Capitalists and Workers, Peasants
(1) The act of marriage cannot change class status.

(2) The class status following intermarriage between landlords, rich peasants, capitalists and workers, peasants, poor people shall be determined based on whether the marriage occurred before or after the uprising, the difference in original class status, and the difference in post-marriage living conditions.

(3) For all marriages occurring before the uprising: A woman of landlord, rich peasant, or capitalist background who marries a worker, peasant, or poor person and engages in labor for a full year shall be recognized as having worker, peasant, or poor person status. If she does not engage in labor, or engages in labor for less than a full year, her original status remains unchanged. A woman of worker, peasant, or poor person background who marries a landlord, rich peasant, or capitalist must live a life equivalent to that of the landlord, rich peasant, or capitalist for a full five years before she can be recognized as having landlord, rich peasant, or capitalist status. If her life is not equivalent to that of the landlord, rich peasant, or capitalist but is equivalent to that of workers, peasants, or poor people (i.e., relies mainly on her own labor for her primary livelihood), or if she has lived an equivalent life for less than five years, her original status remains unchanged.

(4) For all marriages occurring after the uprising: A woman of worker, peasant, or poor person background who marries a landlord, rich peasant, or capitalist shall have her original status remain unchanged. A woman of landlord, rich peasant, or capitalist background who marries a worker, peasant, or poor person must engage in labor for a full five years to be recognized as having worker, peasant, or poor person status. If she does not engage in labor, or engages in labor for less than five years, her original status remains unchanged.

(5) Regardless of when the marriage occurs or the statuses involved, the status of the children born shall be the same as that of the father.

(6) Entitlement to land and public rights shall be based on one's class status.

(7) Women of landlord, rich peasant, or capitalist background who marry workers, peasants, or poor people shall not be conscripted into labor service teams. If the cash brought as dowry is fifty yuan or less, no fines or levies shall be imposed on her.

(8) Before the uprising, concerning workers, peasants, or poor people who sold their children to landlords, rich peasants, or capitalists, and concerning workers, peasants, poor people and landlords, rich peasants, capitalists who mutually adopted sons-in-law into their families: The determination of the class status and corresponding treatment of such sold children or adopted sons-in-law shall apply the provisions of items (1) to (7) above.

(9) Before the uprising, concerning workers, peasants, poor people and landlords, rich peasants, capitalists who mutually adopted sons as heirs: Regardless of the age at the time of adoption, for those adopted under the age of ten, their class status remains unchanged. Starting from the age of ten: If a son of worker, peasant, or poor person background is adopted by a landlord, rich peasant, or capitalist, and lives a life equivalent to that of the adoptive parents for a full five years, his class status shall be the same as that of the adoptive parents. If his life is not equivalent to that of the adoptive parents but equivalent to that of his birth parents, his original status remains unchanged. If a son of landlord, rich peasant, or capitalist background is adopted by workers, peasants, or poor people, and lives a life equivalent to that of the adoptive parents for a full three years, his class status shall be the same as that of the adoptive parents. If his life is not equivalent to that of the adoptive parents but equivalent to that of his birth parents, his original status remains unchanged.

(Note): The term "labor" here includes household labor.

16 Landlords and Rich Peasants Who Are Also Merchants
(1) For a landlord who is also a merchant: Their land and the houses and property connected to the land shall be confiscated. Their business and the shop, residence, and property connected to the business shall not be confiscated.

(2) For a rich peasant who is also a merchant: Their land and the houses and property connected to the land shall be handled according to rich peasant status. Their business and the shop, residence, and property connected to the business shall not be confiscated.

(3) Any fines or levies imposed on a landlord or rich peasant who is also a merchant shall be limited to the landlord or rich peasant portion and must not encroach upon the business portion.

(4) Merchants shall not be conscripted into labor service teams.

17 Managing Public Trusts
Managing public trusts is a form of exploitation. However, a distinction must be made between landlords, rich peasants, and capitalists managing public trusts on the one hand, and workers, peasants, and poor people managing them on the other.

(Note): Managing the land and property of various ancestral halls, temples, societies, and associations is called managing public trusts. Managing public trusts is undoubtedly a form of exploitation, especially as the landlord class and rich peasants use public trusts to concentrate large amounts of land and property, making it one of the primary modes of exploitation. For those public trusts controlled and manipulated by a small number of people and yielding large amounts of exploitative income, the act of managing the public trust is naturally a factor in determining the class status of the manager. However, some small public trusts are managed on a rotating basis by workers, peasants, and poor people, with extremely small amounts of exploitation; these cannot be a factor in determining the class status of the manager. Some people believe that anyone who has managed a public trust is a landlord, rich peasant, or capitalist, which is incorrect.

18 Livelihood Issues for Some Working Personnel
For working personnel in Soviet organs and other revolutionary organizations who have not been allocated land and whose livelihoods are particularly difficult, the individuals and their families may be allocated a suitable amount of land, or their difficulties may be resolved by other means.

(Note): The livelihoods of general Soviet working personnel who have already been allocated land have been addressed by orders from the Central Government (i.e., mobilizing the masses to cultivate their land). This only refers to personnel who have not been allocated land. "Family members" refers to father, mother, wife, sons, daughters, and younger brothers and sisters under the age of 16.

19 Land for Public Undertakings
When distributing land in new areas, and when redistributing land discovered through inspection in old areas, land for public undertakings such as bridges, ferries, tea pavilions, and agricultural experiment stations should be set aside as appropriate.

(Note): Funds for repairing bridges, repairing ferries and paying ferry workers' wages, repairing tea pavilions and setting up tea pavilions—for the expenses of these public undertakings, a portion of land must be set aside as needed, and the masses mobilized to cultivate it. Furthermore, county Soviets, district Soviets, and township Soviets must also set aside a portion of land (county Soviets may set aside land yielding 50 to 150 dan [a unit of weight], district Soviets may set aside land yielding 15 to 25 dan, township Soviets may set aside land yielding 5 to 10 dan) in suitable locations near the government organs for the purpose of establishing agricultural experiment stations. Before the agricultural experiment stations are established, the land may be rented to peasants for cultivation at the minimum land rent.

20 Debt Issues
(1) Before the uprising, for all debts owed by workers, peasants, or poor people to landlords, rich peasants, or capitalists in the form of money or goods, both principal and interest shall be completely cancelled, with the exception of store credit accounts. For all money or goods deposited by workers, peasants, or poor people with landlords, rich peasants, or capitalists, the principal and interest shall be returned in full.

(2) A person who relies solely or largely on usurious exploitation as their household's primary source of livelihood is called a usurer. Usurers shall be treated according to landlord status.

(3) Debts incurred after the uprising that do not violate the Provisional Lending Regulations promulgated by the Central Government shall be repaid.

Chairman of the Central Government of the Chinese Soviet Republic: Mao Zedong
Vice Chairmen: Xiang Ying, Zhang Guotao
October 10, 1933, by the Gregorian Calendar

--- Notes

(Note) Attention should be paid here: (1) Rich peasants labor themselves; landlords do not labor themselves or only have supplementary labor. Therefore, labor is the primary criterion for distinguishing rich peasants from landlords.


(Note) Attention should be paid here: (1) Well-to-do middle peasants are a part of the middle peasants. The difference between well-to-do middle peasants and other middle peasants lies in the fact that well-to-do middle peasants engage in slight exploitation of others, while other middle peasants generally do not engage in exploitation.


(Note): Someone who practices usurious exploitation (in all regions under Kuomintang rule, whether urban or rural, the vast majority of debts are usurious exploitation), but does not rely solely or largely on usury as their household's primary source of livelihood, cannot be called a usurer and subjected to a policy of complete confiscation; they shall be treated according to their respective class statuses. It is incorrect to assume that anyone who engages in usurious exploitation is a "usurer." For a person who both lends money and owes debts, their "debts owed to others" and "debts others owe them" should be offset against each other. The nature and extent of the remaining balance, combined with the person's other exploitative relationships, shall then be used to determine their class status.