DIRECTIVE FROM PROVISIONAL CENTRAL GOVERNMENT TO FIRST WORKER-PEASANT-SOLDIER SOVIET CONGRESS IN FUKIEN PROVINCE

March 1932

/Text/ Comrade representatives to the First Worker-Peasant-Soldier Soviet Congress

Dear Comrades:

Your All-Fukien Soviet Congress was inaugurated on the first most glorious anniversary of the world proletarian revolution--the anniversary of the Paris Commune. At a time when the situation of the Chinese revolution has developed to a very crucial moment all over the world, and particularly in the midst of expanding the revolutionary war at present, the 4th Army of the Red Army scored a great victory in successfully capturing Shang-hang and Wup'ing, the holding of your congress is of great significance. At the same time, it demonstrates that the revolutionary task being shouldered by your congress this time is the greater in history. Apart from sending representatives to attend your congress and help in guiding its work, the Central Executive Committee specially sends you this written directive.

1. Both in the world and in China, the current revolutionary situation has entered a most critical new period. This tense new situation is being symbolized by the consolidation and flourishing of Soviet Socialism, sudden decline of world capitalism, contradictions between the two systems of Socialism and capitalism reaching an extremely acute degree, and stepping up of attempts by imperialism to attack the Soviet Union. The tension symbolized by the inner contradictions of imperialism has deepened the crisis of outbreak of imperialist war. Simultaneously, the crisis of world revolution has gradually ripened with each passing day. Owing to the sharp developments of these crises, it suddenly happened in September last year that Japanese imperialism employed force to occupy first China's Three Northeast Provinces and then Shanghai. This was not only a crisis symbolized by Japanese imperialism partitioning China and suppressing the Chinese revolution in order to save itself, but also an outbreak of the acute contradictions of imperialism striving to partition China and redivide the world. Hence,

since the outbreak of this incident the conflict between Japan and the United States in particular has become extremely tense. All imperialist countries have mobilized and made other preparations for war. With all this saber rattling, the situation has developed to an explosive point. Nevertheless, the imperialists have not forgotten about attacking the Soviet Union. Therefore, they are attempting to turn this war at any time into a war against the Soviet Union.

In China, since their defeat in the third offensive against the revolution, the reactionary Kuomintang and its government have been symbolized by divergence and disintegration and the daily deepening collapse of their reactionary rule. After the outbreak of the incident in the Northeast Provinces, there have become increasingly more breaches in betraying China, taking the place of the imperialists in trampling on the anti-imperialist movement. The rule of the reactionary Kuomintang throughout the country has become even more bankrupt to the authority of this reactionary rule has been crushed to almost nothing by the revolutionary struggles of the masses. Today, after selling the Northeast Provinces, the Kuomintang and its government continue to sell Shanghai. Recently they have been trying to provoke a war among the imperialists and prompt them to settle without a doubt the question of the partition of China so as to sell the whole of China and sacrifice countless workers, peasants, and other toiling people under the planes and artillery shells of the imperialists in a war. Nobody knows how many people in the Northeast Provinces and Shanghai have sacrificed their lives under the planes and guns of Japanese imperialism, but the Kuomintang and its government have fled toward Loyang preparatory to turning over the coastal area along the Yangtse River to the imperialists to be used as a battleground. The Kuomintang warlords still hang on to the coattails of various imperialist countries, however. When the great war breaks out, there can be no doubt that they will become the tools of the imperialists to contend for China and massacre the masses. At the same time, even if under the circumstances the Kuomintang and its government should become bankrupt, it is certain that they will be sent to their graves by a worker-peasant revolution.

In the national revolutionary movement, since the great victory of the third revolutionary war and the establishment of the Provisional Central Government of the Chinese Soviet Republic, the Soviets and the Red Army in various places have continued to gain great victories and progress. The high tide of anti-imperialism all over the country came about as a result of the invasion of China and massacre of the Chinese people by Japanese imperialism, but it has surged like roaring waves under the bold-faced attempts of the Kuomintang to betray China. At present, this anti-imperialist movement has developed to the point where the masses in many places armed themselves voluntarily and fought against Japanese imperialism directly, Party headquarters and government organs of the Kuomintang were demolished, and down-with-the-Kuomintang slogans were shouted openly. Especially in Kwangtung recently, soldiers of the White army stood up voluntarily and acting contrary to Kuomintang orders, resisted the Japanese army directly at the front. The development of the workers' struggle throughout the country will gradually secure for us the leadership of the anti-imperialist movement. The sudden

revolutionization of soldiers of the White army means that not only in the midst of the anti-imperialist movement they will fight against Japan voluntarily, but also they will mutiny and stage uprisings and enter the Red Army. All this shows that the Chinese revolutionary movement and the anti-imperialist national revolutionary movement in particular are forging ahead. Prospects are that they will inevitably converge under the Soviet banner and in a national revolutionary war, will drive out imperialism, overthrow the Kuomintang rule, and strive for victory of the Soviet all over the country.

2. This is a new period in history, a time for revolution and war. Hence, our task is to develop the revolutionary war actively. We shall lead the Chinese national revolutionary struggle with the revolutionary war, oppose the invasion of China and massacre of the Chinese people by Japanese imperialism with a national revolutionary war, destroy the reactionary Kuomintang rule with the revolutionary war, and stamp out an imperialist world war with a national revolutionary war. This is a most critical time in the development of the revolution, a time most favorable to the development of the Soviet revolution. Just as we began to expand the revolutionary war on a large scale, we have scored great new victories and made considerable progress. Our specific task for the time being is to keep up these victories by working even harder to mobilize tens of millions of workers, peasants, and other people to participate in the revolutionary war and proceed with the expansion of this war on a large scale to connect for major cities in neighboring areas and strive for a Soviet victory first in one province and then in several provinces. This is also the most important central task to be shouldered by your congress this time.

3. In order to carry out this task, all the work at your congress will center around the expansion of the revolutionary war. First of all, you should discuss all kinds of specific policies concerning the realistic mobilization of the masses. This work of mobilization is primarily to promote struggle and plunge into the heat of struggle. To heighten the enthusiasm of the masses of workers and peasants in struggle, it is necessary to enforce effectively the Labor Law and Land Law. The congress must set up a formula in a very specific form for implementation of the Labor Law and Land Law. Only through actual contacts in struggle can we arouse the hundreds of thousands of workers, peasants, and other people of Fukien Province to join enthusiastically in the revolutionary war.

4. To develop the revolutionary war, it is necessary to expand and strengthen the Red Army. This is the main strength to develop the revolutionary war. The congress must discuss in a very concrete way practical measures for carrying out the expansion of the Red Army and implementation of the preferential treatment of Red Army. It must repudiate the previous local concept in most Fukien of expanding only the regional armed forces and not caring about expanding the Red Army, because this is very harmful to strengthening the force to carry out the revolutionary war and developing the actual tasks of revolutionary war.

5. To develop the revolutionary war and strive for a Soviet victory first in Kiangsi Province, it is necessary to adopt an offensive strategy aimed at expanding outward actively. This offensive strategy is by no means adventurous (that is, entails no venturesome adventures, no abandonment of the consolidation of bases). On the contrary, it is to consolidate our successes and forge ahead. The congress must also set the direction of expansion. Essentially it will be northward. This will coordinate with the overall expansion plan of the Central Government to strive actually for Kiangsi and several of its neighboring provinces as an initial victory. But in other respects, it is likewise necessary to expand the Soviet area outward. And to accomplish the task of expanding northward, the most central task at present is to consolidate Ch'ang-ting and Wu-p'ing. The congress must discuss concrete measures to mobilize a great number of cadres and carry out the work that should be done as pointed out in the letter from the Central Government to the West Fukien Government. The consolidation of Ch'ang-ting and Wu-p'ing will not only cement the link between Kwangtung and Kiangsi Provinces, but also strengthen the force and consolidate the foundation for expanding outward and carrying on the revolutionary war. We must be firmly against a venturesome advance that does not seek consolidation of the bases. Similarly, a conservatism that seeks only consolidation and not outward expansion is extremely detrimental to the current task of carrying on the revolutionary war to expand outward on a large scale. The congress should struggle resolutely against any such tendency.

6. To strengthen the force for expanding the revolutionary war, it is necessary to consolidate the economic strength for expanding the revolutionary war. The congress must discuss in detail a formula for developing the economy in the Soviet area and increasing the rate of production and concrete measures for implementing the economic policy. As to the fiscal question, the congress should draw up very specific measures to tightly finance in accordance with the financial regulations promulgated by the Central Government. The question as to how to practice frugality in expenditures in order to help expand the revolutionary war should be discussed even more realistically. The congress should absolutely oppose serious manifestations of willful extravagance at the different levels of government in the past and set forth measures of punishment for such acts in the future.

7. To strengthen the force of expansion in the revolutionary war, it is necessary to strengthen the organization and training of the regional armed forces and enhance their practical role in the revolutionary war. In the past, although the regional armed forces of West Fukien were unsound, they absolutely were not like what people generally say, that "the West Fukien regional armed forces are useless" or "the people of West Fukien cannot fight." Such mistaken concepts must be firmly opposed by the congress. The regional armed forces and masses of workers and peasants of West Fukien not only have engaged in prolonged struggle against the enemy, but also have created an extensive Soviet area. They possess great strength for waging revolutionary struggle. The main reason why earlier regional armed forces were not strong was that the line was mistaken. During the period of adventurism West Fukien suffered a great defeat. Later, in the first, second, and third revolutionary

wars, it committed errors of conservatism militarily and did not know how to apply guerrilla warfare tactics. Sometimes it did not correctly estimate the balance of enemy strength and adopted the method of stubborn attack (as in the several offensive against Nanch'ih and Lu-lei), with the result that earlier military losses were sustained, the morale of the troops was lowered, and fighting power was depleted. At the same time, inattention to leadership and to the military and political training of the regional armed forces was also an important reason. The congress must meticulously discuss measures to reorganize the regional armed forces and strengthen political and military work and put guerrilla warfare tactics to use, so as to enhance the role of the regional armed forces in the revolutionary war.

8. To strengthen the leadership for expanding the revolutionary war, it is necessary to set up a strong and capable Soviet government at different levels. The congress should realistically discuss measures to establish Soviets in accordance with the regulations and resolutions promulgated by the Central Government. Here, we wish especially to draw your attention to the establishment of a Soviet representative system in the cities and countryside. This system is the basis of the Soviet organization and the most powerful basic organization as a Soviet to lead the masses and mobilize the masses. The congress must oppose earlier manifestations of Soviet formalism and disengagement from the masses. These are all tasks for setting up a strong and capable Soviet. In case there are serious obstructions, the congress must draw up concrete measures to carry out inspection of work at the different levels or the Soviet.

9. In the past several years the West Fukien Soviet has achieved great success and victories in engaging the enemy in a great struggle, carrying out resolutely the tasks of agrarian revolution, creating an extensive Soviet area, and implementing the land program of the government. At the same time, it has also committed many mistakes and displayed many shortcomings. The congress must make a review of its past work. Only in this way can valuable experiences in earlier struggles be summed up and all mistakes and shortcomings be rectified.

10. In the past, through errors of the adventurist line, West Fukien suffered plenty of defeats. Later, it turned around toward the adventurist line. This was immediately followed by the first, second, and third offensive of the enemy, and because West Fukien committed mistakes in military tactics, many regions were sacked and a part of the Soviet area was occupied by the enemy and still has not been recovered. In addition, due to errors in leadership of the regional armed forces, some border regions were ravaged by brigands. Nevertheless, due to an incorrect understanding of the causes of these phenomena and as a result of past mistakes in lines for work, a great number of working personnel of the Soviet have even overlooked the current favorable situation in the development of the revolution and have taken a pessimistic view and developed a feeling of despair. This is a very serious mistake. We must understand that the current revolutionary situation is extremely favorable to the development of the revolution. At the same time when we are leading the masses in expanding the revolutionary war outward,

these sentiments are extremely harmful and we should not allow them to exist and grow. The congress must struggle mercilessly against such sentiments. Here, the need is even greater for the congress to carry out a transformation of work strictly in accordance with the lines for work prescribed by the National Soviet Congress and the Central Government. It is certain that the work in the entire province of Funkien will have rapid development and bring even greater progress and success to the Fukien Soviet Area.

The above instructions are provided for your discussion of all problems in the congress. The Central Executive Committee holds a firm belief that this congress will certainly meet with complete success in the end and accomplish the critical tasks of the revolution at the present time. Lastly, we hail: Long live the success of the First Worker-Peasant-Soldier Soviet Congress in Fukien Province!
Long live the victory of the Soviet!
Long live the Chinese Soviet Republic!

Central Executive Committee
Chairman: Mao Tse-tung
Vice-chairmen: Hsiang Ying
Chang Kuo-tao

On "Red China," No 15, 23 March 1932