The occupation of Changsha and the continued severe offensives, the convergence of the First and Third Army Corps, and the seizure of the key city of Ji’an—this vigorous expansion of Red Army forces, in coordination with the sharp struggles of the proletariat in major cities nationwide and the development of soviets in the countryside, has brought the revolutionary high tide in China close to an overall eruption. In particular, the capture of Ji’an represents the culmination of a local insurrection involving millions of organized masses in southwestern Jiangxi and soviet regimes in over ten counties—an uprising with the strongest mass base and deepest local roots. The victory at Ji’an marks the beginning of victory for Jiangxi Province as a whole. This triumph is the first seizure of a major city by the Red Army masses in several years of fighting. It not only provides a stronger foundation to assist the Red Army’s advance but also calls upon all revolutionary masses in Jiangxi to complete a province-wide general insurrection in the near future. This holds tremendous significance for advancing the revolutionary forces nationwide and for striving toward nationwide revolutionary victory. Without doubt, we must continue to build on the victory at Ji’an and fight for the first victory in Jiangxi.

Recent developments in international affairs—such as Italy and France preparing for war, the breakdown of Italian-French naval negotiations, France’s active naval expansion, the anti-German riots in Czechoslovakia, Britain’s harsh criticism of America’s tariff-raising policies, and the formation of a South American League by seventeen South American republics to counter U.S. influence—all reflect the intensifying tensions of an impending second world war among imperialist powers. U.S. imperialism is instigating Europe and the Americas to impose an economic blockade on the Soviet Union. In particular, the Soviet Union’s recent dumping of wheat at low prices in the U.S. has caused a sharp drop in American wheat prices, leaving the U.S. unable to salvage its agricultural overproduction crisis and further fueling its hostility toward the Soviet Union. The suppression of communist movements and the arrest of leaders in various countries further demonstrate the intensification of attacks on the Soviet Union.

However, the irreconcilable contradictions emerging in the dying phase of imperialism have already spurred a worldwide revolutionary tide. The recent major victory of the Chinese Communist Party in French elections, the Berlin metalworkers’ strike against an 8% government wage cut involving 140,000 workers, the Malaga dockworkers’ strike in Spain spreading to a general strike in Vitoria and creating a rebellious situation that the government cannot suppress despite harsh measures, the 50,000-strong workers’ demonstration in Hungary, the massive anti-German demonstrations by the Czechoslovak Communist Party, the general strike in Warsaw protesting the government’s arrest of opposition leaders, the sudden revolution in southern Chile, the Japanese silk workers’ strike escalating into armed clashes with police, the uprising of impoverished residents in India, and the consolidation and development of socialist construction in the Soviet Union—where agricultural products alone have already surpassed those of the United States—all demonstrate that the world revolution is surging forward with great momentum. This situation is extremely favorable for the Chinese revolution and will transform the war of aggression against the Soviet Union into a war for worldwide revolutionary victory.

After Chiang Kai-shek captured Jinan, Zhang Xueliang issued a clever telegram advocating peace and unity, deferring to the Nanjing government for resolution. Zhang Xueliang then moved three armies into Shanhaiguan, stationing them in Beiping and Tianjin, and recently issued a telegram proposing a post-war conference in Beiping to discuss so-called “national salvation” issues. Chiang Kai-shek released two important telegrams: one requesting the Nationalist government to grant amnesty to political prisoners, exempting all except Chen Jiongming, Yan Xishan, and the Communists; the other calling for the convening of the Fourth National Congress of the Nationalist Party, the establishment of a National Assembly, and the promulgation of a provisional constitution and legal code. In a public letter to the nation, he outlined five measures for suppressing the Communists (setting a deadline of three to six months, assigning regional responsibilities while coordinating a comprehensive encirclement campaign, reorganizing finances, cleaning up official governance, developing the economy, and strictly implementing self-governance).

According to press reports, Liu Luyin, head of the Central Propaganda Department in Nanjing, commented on the current situation: “Japanese-language newspapers are fabricating all sorts of rumors about the northeastern authorities and Zhang Hanqing... Japanese diplomatic officials in China have allowed Japanese newspapers to sow discord within our borders, leading us to suspect deliberate manipulation.” He also stated, “The British national Simpson assisted Yan in forcibly seizing the customs, committing the crime of participating in foreign internal strife. Despite our repeated protests, there has been no response. We believe the British diplomatic authorities in China are irresponsible, and the British government itself is nothing to speak of.”

Chiang Kai-shek has occupied Zhengzhou. According to reports, part of Feng Yuxiang’s forces have been disarmed by Chiang, part have surrendered to Chiang, and part have retreated to northern Henan, with some suggesting an attack on Shanxi. Xu Yuanquan, Jin Yuding, Chen Cheng, Xia Douyin, Cai Tingkai, Jiang Guangnai, Yue Weijun, Xiao Zhichu, and others have returned to Hubei, while Tan Daoyuan, Jin Handing, Xu Kexiang, Peng Qibiao, Mao Bingwen, Li Yunjie, Tang Yunshan, and others have entered Jiangxi to suppress the revolution.

The war between Chiang, Yan, and Feng is essentially a war between Britain, Japan, and the United States. Japan, exploiting the intensifying conflicts between Britain and the U.S., occupies a pivotal position and seizes the opportunity to maneuver, facilitating a compromise between the U.S. and Chiang while enabling its lackey, Fengtian’s Zhang, to gain territory in Hebei. As expected, neither Britain nor the U.S. could avoid making concessions to him, and both Chiang and Yan were forced to acknowledge Zhang’s military advance, especially as Chiang sought to use this move against Yan.

The occupation of Changsha, the continued severe offensives, and the capture of Ji’an have not only brought about a vast transformation in the Chinese revolutionary situation but have also altered the relationships among the ruling classes. In other words, the development of revolutionary forces and the fundamental class contradictions have compelled imperialism and China’s ruling classes to desperately seek to ease their own conflicts and unite against the revolution. U.S. imperialism certainly feels that under the Nanjing government it controls, revolutionary forces are increasingly threatening, necessitating such a move. Japanese imperialism, too, naturally perceives that a victory of the Chinese revolution would first and foremost be detrimental to Japan. Thus, a temporary compromise between Japan and the U.S. is possible, and Chiang is compelled to pull in Zhang to swiftly end the war. For British imperialism, suppressing the Chinese revolution is also an urgent need. Moreover, under the combined pressure of Japan and the U.S. and the crushing defeat of Yan and Feng, Britain is forced to temporarily yield. Under this temporary united front of imperialists and warlords against the revolution, Chiang Kai-shek has both the need and the possibility to transfer large numbers of troops from the frontlines to attack the revolution.

At the same time, suppressing the Chinese revolution requires new reformist and deceptive policies. Thus, around the time of occupying Kaifeng and Zhengzhou, Chiang Kai-shek, riding on military victories, issued a series of telegrams proposing reformist and deceptive policies in an attempt to establish counterrevolutionary leadership. The so-called amnesty for political prisoners and the convening of a National Assembly are, in reality, an acceptance of the Reorganizationists’ platform, an attempt to win over the middle and petty bourgeoisie while pulling in Feng’s subordinates to oppose Yan. This is aimed at organizing an anti-communist alliance led by the Chiang faction—that is, under U.S. leadership—to suppress the Chinese revolution. This is not only a struggle for leadership in opposing the Chinese revolution but also a struggle for leadership in attacking the Soviet Union and opposing the world revolution.

This counterrevolutionary alliance is bound to disintegrate in the face of the revolutionary high tide. This is predetermined by the contradictions, vacillations, and collapse of the ruling classes and the rapid advance of revolutionary forces. Although the imperialists and warlords are desperately trying to unite, their internal contradictions are intensifying. Zhang Xueliang’s proposal for a post-war conference clearly stands in opposition to Chiang Kai-shek’s National Assembly. The chaotic war between Chiang, Feng, and Yan has actually resulted in Japanese imperialism and its lackey Zhang Xueliang gaining the territories of Beijing and Shandong, thereby heightening the conflicts between Japan, the U.S., Zhang, and Chiang. Liu Luyin’s report already reveals the first signs of this. Chiang Kai-shek’s hasty dispatch of troops southward, with a deadline of three to six months to eliminate the Communist bandits, demonstrates the intensifying tension in the Chiang-Zhang conflict.

This is especially because the political and economic foundations of the ruling classes are fundamentally bankrupt. The nationwide financial disorder, the severe bankruptcy of the rural economy, and the sustained peasant uprisings against landlords in southern provinces over the years—none of which any faction of the Nationalist Party can resolve—highlight the growing severity of the problem. Under the impact of the imperialist production crisis, national industries are halting operations and collapsing in large numbers, exacerbating the unemployment crisis. Although Feng and Yan have been defeated, the bankrupted Shanxi and Shaanxi cannot survive and will inevitably engage in territorial wars. British imperialism, in an effort to salvage its industrial crisis, will undoubtedly strive desperately to recover its lost influence and political leadership in China. This proves that imperialism and China’s ruling classes, due to their fundamental political and economic bankruptcy, have no stable future and cannot form a solid united front. New warlord conflicts will inevitably hasten their collapse in the near future. Chiang Kai-shek’s so-called peace and unity is nothing but shameless and deceitful nonsense. Even his lackey Wu Zhihui has admitted, “To think of permanent peace, I’m afraid there’s not even an eleven percent certainty.”

On this basis, the revolutionary movement of the proletariat and the broad masses, under the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party, is advancing toward a resolute struggle to overthrow the Nationalist regime. What the masses demand is not a National Assembly of warlords, bureaucrats, gentry, landlords, and the bourgeoisie, but a Soviet Congress of workers, peasants, soldiers, and the oppressed laboring masses, which has already been scheduled for November 7. What the masses demand is not some constitution or legal code that maintains the oppression and exploitation of the ruling classes, but Soviet decrees and programs that guarantee the dictatorship of the proletariat and safeguard the interests of workers, peasants, and laboring masses. What the masses demand is not local self-government under gentry and landlord rule, but Soviet politics under the dictatorship of workers and peasants.

Why have the Reorganizationists and Chiang Kai-shek’s faction chosen this moment to put forward such tricks? Precisely because the revolution has reached a high tide and is fundamentally threatening to overthrow the ruling classes, they see the masses resolutely struggling for the aforementioned demands and are compelled to propose a National Assembly, a constitution, and legal codes to win over the middle and petty bourgeoisie in order to jointly suppress the demands and revolution of the workers and peasants. Such schemes and deceptions only expose the increasing collapse of the ruling classes and their panic-stricken, helpless state in the face of the revolutionary high tide.

This counterrevolutionary alliance of imperialists and warlords is being formed at a time when the worldwide revolutionary tide is surging and the Chinese revolution is advancing fiercely. Therefore, the nature of this offensive is a desperate attack by the ruling classes to save themselves from destruction, entirely unlike the encirclement campaigns against Jinggangshan during the low tide of the revolution, when the ruling classes sought to eliminate revolutionary forces. In response to the large-scale offensive by the Chiang faction’s warlords, we must undoubtedly reply with a nationwide revolutionary insurrection. While the imperialists and warlords are forced to compromise on one hand, they are unable to reconcile their contradictions on the other. Amid this situation of vacillation and collapse, we firmly assert that victory in this class decisive battle is certain—not only victory in one province but victory for the nationwide revolution.

There are two incorrect assessments regarding the warlord conflicts: The first is a non-class, hollowly optimistic assessment. It assumes that warlord conflicts will always escalate until they destroy themselves and that under no circumstances will they unite against the revolution. This assessment is entirely a non-class, erroneous estimation. It stems from a failure to understand that when class contradictions outweigh the contradictions among the ruling classes themselves, the ruling classes will inevitably make a final desperate struggle, temporarily setting aside their own conflicts to unite against the revolution. The result of such an assessment will be a slackening of revolutionary work arrangements, and in practical action, it will easily lead to detachment from the masses and a purely military viewpoint. Consequently, when faced with a counterrevolutionary united front, one will become flustered and disorganized. Such hollow optimism will inevitably lead to extreme pessimism.

The other incorrect assessment is the belief that when the enemy unites against us, the revolution will encounter great difficulties, leading to pessimism. This is still a non-class analysis and reflects a failure to understand the revolutionary high tide. The fact that the ruling classes are making a final united struggle against the offensive of revolutionary forces proves that the revolution has reached a high tide. When the revolution reaches the point of eliminating the ruling classes, how could the ruling classes not unite to save themselves from destruction? When revolutionary forces were still developing within a single province, the ruling classes often used the forces of that province to deal with the revolution, as was the case during the guerrilla war period. Conversely, if we encounter a nationwide united front of the ruling classes, it undoubtedly proves a nationwide revolutionary high tide. Whoever fails to recognize this does not truly understand the revolutionary high tide and will inevitably fall into pessimism, evasion, and shameful liquidationism.

A correct understanding is that the victory of the Chinese revolution will not only encounter domestic warlords but also face a brutal war with international imperialism. At the beginning of the revolution’s victory, the imperialists and warlords have both the need and the possibility to set aside their own contradictions and unite against the revolution. This requires intensifying the nationwide work arrangements, paying attention to the balanced development of the four major revolutionary forces, and preparing for a brutal decisive battle. The political and economic foundations of China’s ruling classes are fundamentally bankrupt and beyond salvation, while revolutionary forces are advancing fiercely. We must strive for China’s victory through nationwide coordination and favorable conditions for the world revolution.

At present, with the ruling classes uniting against the revolution, right-leaning elements are prone to pessimism, and even those who have always been optimistic will also fall into pessimism. Therefore, correctly pointing out the vacillation and collapse of the ruling classes, the brewing of new wars, and the rapid advance of revolutionary forces, while combating pessimistic views, is a prerequisite for carrying out the class decisive battle and striving for victory in one province.

(V) Opposing the Guerrilla Line in the Struggle for Provincial Power

The task of striving for provincial power is now practically before us. To achieve this task, we must transform the guerrilla line left over from the Red Army’s guerrilla warfare period—namely, the light-armed raiding line stemming from a purely military viewpoint. This line arises from incorrect assessments of warlord conflicts and a failure to understand that striving for provincial victory is a class decisive battle. Consequently, it leads to detachment from the masses, neglect of mass work, failure to expand the Red Army, and failure to strengthen its forces. In military techniques, it still exclusively employs guerrilla methods, without understanding the conditions that must be prepared for a class decisive battle. Purely light-armed raiding (here, “raiding” refers to the strategic line for striving for provincial power, not opposition to raiding as a military tactic) superficially appears to be a resolutely offensive left-leaning line, but in reality, it delays the arrival of the revolution’s first victory and becomes an extreme right-leaning line.

The events at Changsha and Ji’an provide sufficient lessons for us. The first failure to resolutely and continuously occupy Changsha was mainly due to the lack of mass conditions and the fact that the Red Army’s strength was not yet its backbone. The second failure was still due to the lack of mass conditions and coordination with enemy soldiers, turning it into a purely Red Army assault on fortified positions. Thus, despite fierce attacks for half a month, victory could not be achieved. Ji’an, under opposite conditions—with a broad mass base—was truly captured. As for the first capture of Changsha, it was possible only because the enemy had no reinforcements to send and no fortifications to defend. Only under such conditions could a light-armed raid succeed.

Under the current situation, with the enemy massively reinforcing troops and firmly defending Nanchang and Jiujiang with fortifications, relying solely on the Red Army to lightly raid Nanchang and Jiujiang—especially when the Red Army lacks adequate supplies and transportation conditions—would undoubtedly become a guerrilla-style offensive. The result would be failure to capture them, followed by shifting elsewhere, thereby delaying the realization of provincial victory. Therefore, this guerrilla viewpoint of light-armed raiding is absolutely incompatible with the planned and strategically arranged approach to striving for the first victory in one province and must be seriously corrected.

The Central Committee recently pointed out that the Red Army must intensify training, select good peasant elements and worker cadres, and create a Red Army backbone and an iron Red Army. It stated that a Red Army backbone of 30,000 to 50,000 is necessary to secure victory in major cities and establish the masses’ confidence in the Red Army. Operations must be conducted with planned and strategically arranged methods. This has deepened our understanding of the practical work arrangements for striving for provincial victory, and we consider this directive to be very clear.

However, using the pretext that the masses have not yet coordinated or that the Red Army should not adopt resolute offensives, engaging in aimless dispersed work, or refusing to assault fortified positions even when victory is assured due to a lack of mass coordination—while failing to understand that supply, replenishment, and training can only be resolved through planned struggle—is, of course, also an abandonment of the task of provincial victory and a serious right-leaning viewpoint that must be guarded against.

Additionally, one point must be emphasized: the failure to understand the flexible application of strategy and tactics. Strategy is determined by objective circumstances and subjective forces, while tactics involve using all means based on the actual conditions at the time to achieve strategic goals. Therefore, tactics, as long as they do not violate strategy, can frequently change. Under the task of capturing Nanchang, first seizing Ji’an was a very correct strategy. One should not simplistically and mechanically ask, “Originally, we were supposed to attack Nanchang, so why attack Ji’an?” Similarly, if the strategy is to occupy the Nanchang-Jiujiang railway, tactically, one might either launch a direct raid or eliminate the enemy’s main force at appropriate points along both banks of the Gan River before advancing to occupy it. This depends on the actual conditions of both sides at the time and cannot be rigidly fixed. This must be made clear to the Red Army’s lower-ranking cadres and the soldier masses. Otherwise, if the masses only know the overall objective, they may become doubtful and waver due to changes in strategy and tactics, even forcing higher command organs to accommodate the backward consciousness of the masses, thereby hindering the flexible application of strategy and tactics. This is worth noting.

(VI) Striving for the First Victory in Jiangxi Is the Current Task of the First Front Army and the Jiangxi Party Committee

Under the premise of striving for the first victory in the central neighboring provinces around Wuhan, we should currently strive for victory in Jiangxi and then continue to achieve victory in Wuhan. Victory in Jiangxi, of course, cannot be separated from the nationwide revolutionary high tide. However, in Jiangxi itself, there are more favorable conditions. Jiangxi has soviet areas in over sixty counties, and peasant insurrections have become a widespread revolutionary high tide. The convergence of the First and Third Army Corps and the continued offensive of the Tenth Red Army at the mouth of Poyang Lake, especially the recent capture of Ji’an, have brought together all revolutionary forces, creating a severe threat to Nanchang.

The economic foundation of the landlord-bourgeoisie in Jiangxi’s countryside has been largely destroyed. Moreover, under the increasing pressure of the developing revolutionary situation, their vacillation and collapse are further accelerated. When the Red Army conducted propaganda across the river from the enemy’s 18th Division at Qingjiang, an entire platoon of soldiers defected with their guns and joined the Red Army. Enemy soldiers agreed among themselves not to fire when we attacked Nanchang. Enemy officers are in great panic, holding late-night assemblies to lecture their troops. Recently, more soldiers have defected with their guns to the Third Army Corps. It is said that soldiers have not been paid for five months and are unwilling to continue serving. Officers are often assassinated, and calls to join the Red Army are frequently heard within the enemy ranks. They feel that joining the Red Army means freedom from oppression. This situation proves that even the tools the ruling classes rely on for their desperate struggle are unreliable.

Coupled with the experience from previous battles, where enemy soldiers wavered and were unwilling to fight hard, we further understand that although the enemy forces are numerous, they are not to be feared. Currently, although the Chiang faction’s warlords have dispatched many troops to Jiangxi, the struggle for counterrevolutionary leadership among the ruling classes remains unresolved, and new conflicts are brewing. Chiang Kai-shek is merely exploiting a temporary compromise to find a gap to attack the revolution. Moreover, after prolonged chaotic warfare, the soldiers are extremely exhausted and wavering. As long as we strengthen political and organizational leadership, we can undoubtedly eliminate the main force of the enemy’s offensive.

Therefore, the task of the Jiangxi Party and the First Front Army is undoubtedly to coordinate with the Jiangxi masses, carry out a planned and strategically arranged class decisive battle, and resolutely strive for the first victory in Jiangxi.

(VII) Under the Above Task, the Work Line of the First Front Army and the Jiangxi Party

Intensify propaganda and agitation against warlord oppression of the revolution and for armed insurrection to seize power in Jiangxi. Expand the dissemination of the victory at Ji’an, the establishment of the Jiangxi Provincial Soviet Government, and all the decrees and proclamations it has issued. Raise slogans such as “Oppose Warlord Oppression of the Revolution” and “Carry Out Armed Insurrection to Seize Power in Jiangxi,” and mobilize the masses to struggle for soviet power. Resolutely respond to the enemy’s offensive with a class decisive battle and strive for the first victory in Jiangxi.

Before the revolutionary high tide, intensify the struggle against all reformism, the Reorganizationists, the Third Party, the Trotskyist liquidationists, and Chiang Kai-shek’s recent deceptive policies of a National Assembly. Fully expose all their crimes and eliminate their influence among the masses. This is a serious political task in the class decisive battle to thwart the enemy’s schemes to moderate the revolution.

Establish work in Nanchang, Jiujiang, and along the Nanchang-Jiujiang railway. Proletarian insurrection has now become an indispensable main force in striving for major cities. The enemy’s final desperate struggle is to hold cities with strong fortifications. The Changsha incident taught us that striving for provincial victory is impossible without work in major cities. We must now correct pessimism and neglect toward urban work, overcome all difficulties, and establish urban work. The main line of the labor movement is to directly organize armed insurrections and intensify the planning of political alliance strikes. Establish mass Red associations, picket teams, and Red vanguard teams as the backbone forces during insurrections. As for daily economic struggles, they must, of course, not be abandoned but must be linked to armed insurrection.

Complete local insurrections: First, complete local insurrections in counties such as Anfu, Taihe, Xinyu, Fenyi, and Yuanzhou in western Jiangxi; Jishui, Yongfeng, Le’an, and Xingan in eastern Jiangxi; and Ganzhou in southern Jiangxi. In White areas, resolutely launch guerrilla warfare, plan insurrections, and firmly eliminate the phenomenon of Red-White antagonism, linking all Red areas together. Then, connect them with Fujian, Hunan, and Hubei to form a contiguous area. Prepare to use the blazing flames of mass insurrection to annihilate the enemy’s advancing forces. To complete local insurrections, we must learn from past lessons and swiftly confiscate all land and carry out thorough equal distribution. In this struggle, establish the leadership of hired peasants, set up independent hired peasant unions, and establish poor peasant committees. Strictly prevent rich peasant elements from joining the Soviet Red Guards, and resolutely select hired peasants and poor peasants as leaders. From the very beginning of the rural struggle, not only must we fiercely attack the landlord class, but we must also simultaneously implement equal land distribution, refuse to pay rent and debts, resist all exploitation and oppression of poor peasants by rich peasants, and mobilize the poor peasant masses to engage in class confrontation against the rich peasants. Only in this way can we thoroughly eliminate feudal forces and solidify the revolutionary foundation.

Mobilize the broad masses to participate in the war and expand the soviets. Point out the development of the nationwide revolutionary situation and the political inevitability of victory. Call on the masses that, in this warlord oppression of the revolution, we must mobilize everyone—men and women, old and young—to coordinate with the Red Army, carry out a great class decisive battle, annihilate the enemy’s main force, and strive for the first victory in Jiangxi. In all areas where the enemy is advancing, such as Xiajiang, Xinyu, Fenyi, Yuanzhou, Anfu, Lianhua, as well as Ji’an, Jishui, Yongfeng, Le’an, and other counties, we must concentrate the Red Guards and Young Pioneers, intensify military and political training, unify command, scout the enemy’s key routes of advance and retreat, harass the enemy’s rear, disrupt enemy communications, seize enemy weapons, cut off enemy supplies, and set up ambushes all over the mountains and plains to create various disturbances and panic, trapping the enemy in the Red areas so they can neither advance nor retreat and ultimately annihilating them. The Red Guards must assist the Red Army in sentry duty, reconnaissance, transport, and medical aid. Each county must prepare in an organized manner. All counties must, to the fullest extent possible, prepare armed forces with spears, native cannons, and gunpowder, dividing the work by districts and townships.

All the above work must be carried out through methods of agitation and the mass line. Convene soviet mass meetings in every district and township, allowing the masses themselves to decide on practical actions and preparations for participating in the war. It is essential to inspire voluntary and enthusiastic participation; only then can political victory be achieved. Therefore, we must resolutely oppose commandism—the narrow line of forcibly implementing orders without persuasion and agitation, where the masses do not understand, and where the Party and soviets fail to play an agitational and leading role among the masses, with major issues not resolved through mass meetings, resulting in a few higher-ups issuing arbitrary orders and the masses feeling they are acting merely for personal fate.

On the other hand, we must expose the brutality of warlord oppression of the revolution—massacring villages and burning mountains—and the schemes of surrender and betrayal, heightening class hatred. Raise the slogan “Struggle to the End for Our Class, Never Surrender” to inspire determination in the struggle. In soviet areas not directly involved in the fighting, we must similarly mobilize, fiercely expand outward, eliminate the phenomenon of Red-White antagonism, win over the masses, and unite to attack the gentry and landlords. Persuade the Red masses to curb retaliatory actions, resolutely carry out equal land distribution, and, during periods of occupation in White areas, help the masses distribute land and establish Red Guards to eliminate the serious obstacles of Red-White antagonism.

Intensify the movement among White army soldiers. Due to the brutal sacrifices of chaotic warfare, unbearable oppression andvile conditions in their lives, and the influence of the worker-peasant revolutionary high tide, White army soldiers are very wavering. Recently, incidents of soldiers voluntarily defecting with their guns to the Red Army have occurred repeatedly. The conditions for soldier insurrections are fully ripe; the only reason they have not erupted on a large scale is the lack of Communist Party organization and leadership. Local Party committees and army Party committees must correct past neglect of this work and devote maximum attention to it. It must be understood that without the disintegration of enemy forces, there can be no revolutionary victory. The line for this work is to establish a broad political foundation and build strict organizational leadership. We must transform warlord wars into revolutionary wars to eliminate the warlords, and transform the slaughter of workers and peasants into wars to help liberate workers and peasants, arousing the class consciousness of soldiers and organizing soldier insurrections. Correct the past narrow opportunist line and pure mutiny-ism (a few people defecting with their guns). Local Party committees and Red Army political departments must establish soldier movement committees, dispatch large numbers of personnel using various opportunities to infiltrate enemy forces to carry out this work.

Especially at present, we must intensify propaganda and agitation among the White army soldiers and lower-ranking officers coming to Jiangxi. The key is to highlight that their prolonged bitter fighting in Shandong and Henan has resulted only in massive casualties for nothing, and now they are being redeployed to attack workers and peasants. Make them recognize the crimes of the warlords, point out the current development of the revolutionary situation and their way out—only by joining the worker-peasant revolution—and encourage them to revolt and defect. In areas where the enemy is advancing, we must launch a mass soldier movement. Utilize soldiers’ billeting to mobilize women, children, and the elderly to approach and agitate them through laundry services and small-scale vending (but mainly, food supplies must be cut off). The Red Guards must, on one hand, bravely seize enemy weapons, and on the other, treat captured White soldiers with utmost leniency, winning over the White army soldier masses and breaking the enemy’s rumors and deceptions that the Red Guards massacre White soldiers, which prevent soldiers from daring to defect.

(VIII) The Serious Tasks in Western Jiangxi, Southern Jiangxi, and Other Soviet Areas

Unite the poor peasants and hired peasants to confront the rich peasants. In areas where rich peasants control fertile land, we must swiftly carry out another round of qualitative equal land distribution, implementing the policy of “taking from the fat to supplement the lean.” This is the most practical policy to tear apart rural class divisions, meet the needs of the broad masses, and fundamentally suppress the counterrevolutionary schemes of the rich peasant class. As for places where equal distribution has already been thoroughly carried out—both quantitatively (taking from those with more to supplement those with less) and qualitatively (taking from the fat to supplement the lean)—the victory in land distribution should be safeguarded, and the original distribution must not be disturbed. Our slogan is: “What is fairly distributed remains unchanged; what is unfairly distributed must be redistributed.”

Reform all Party and Youth League organizations and rebuild them, ensuring that not a single rich peasant counterrevolutionary element remains within the Party or the League, because currently, the Party and League in southwestern Jiangxi are filled with rich peasant counterrevolutionary elements. This reform is only possible by thoroughly carrying out equal land distribution, launching the class struggle of hired peasants and poor peasants against the rich peasants, and, in the class decisive battle against the counterrevolutionary offensive, purging rich peasants and all passive and wavering elements, while selecting active hired peasant and poor peasant elements.

At the same time, in local cities and county towns, especially in Ji’an, we must thoroughly implement the will of the impoverished workers, using the slogans of workers’ supervision of capital and the implementation of labor protection laws to counter capitalist exploitation. For those among the workers who are close to the capitalists or are not directly exploited, organizational measures must be taken to guard against them. Through these struggles, purge all petty-bourgeois wavering elements from urban and rural Party branches and select resolute proletarian elements.

Raise the slogans “Remove Committee Members Who Violate the Interests of the Poor Workers and Peasants” and “Remove Committee Members Who Violate Soviet Conference Decisions.” Reform all existing Soviet governments, re-selecting hired peasants and poor peasants who are genuine mass leaders as Soviet committee members, ensuring that not a single rich peasant counterrevolutionary element remains in any locality or at any level of the soviets. This is because the Soviet governments at all levels in southwestern Jiangxi are filled with rich peasant counterrevolutionary elements.

The Soviet government must also eliminate new-style bureaucratism and commandism, which are self-destructive policies that alienate the masses and ruin the soviets. The main strategy for consolidating the soviets is to involve the broad masses in soviet management. All major issues must be discussed and resolved through representative conferences. Government work must be reported to the representative conferences and subjected to their criticism. This requires regularly convening village and township soviet mass meetings and representative conferences at the township level and above. Oppose the fixed representative system and propose “electing poor worker and peasant leaders as representatives,” to be elected by village and township mass meetings. In townships with excessively large populations or vast territories, village soviets must be established. Government personnel should not be detached from production and should not receive supplies. Only in this way can the emergence of new-style bureaucratism be prevented, ensuring that all soviet administrative actions conform to the demands of the masses, gain their support, and consolidate the soviets.

Politically expose the various deceptive schemes of the Trotskyists, eliminate their influence among the masses, and severely suppress the Trotskyists, executing all active Trotskyist elements.

Establish genuine class trade unions in the cities, implement workers’ supervision of capital, and strengthen the organization and training of picket teams.

Establish independent hired peasant unions. This is an extremely important organization for establishing the leadership of the rural proletariat. It is necessary to establish branch life within the hired peasant unions, strengthen class education, and lead the struggle against the rich peasants.

To win over the basic masses of poor peasants and launch the class struggle against the rich peasants, we must establish poor peasant committees. Their composition should include poor peasants who were previously subjected to heavy rent and interest exploitation and those who, even after land distribution, remain impoverished. Pay attention to selecting active elements as leaders.

Use methods of agitation and persuasion to vigorously expand the Red Army reserves. Resolutely oppose commandism and deceptive methods, as these do not expand the Red Army but hinder its expansion. The reserves must receive military and political training and be led to participate in mass work.

(IX) Current Work of the First Front Army

1. Military Strategy: Under the circumstances of the enemy sending numerous reinforcements and advancing toward us, the First and Third Army Corps consider this the best opportunity to replenish the Red Army’s weapons, expand the Red Army, and create an iron Red Army. The current strategy, under the overall objective of occupying the Nanchang-Jiujiang railway and capturing Nanchang and Jiujiang, is to continue the victory at Ji’an and strive for further victories. That is, to mobilize the broad masses in the area between Ji’an and Nanchang, gather supplies, and simultaneously intensify the mobilization of the masses in the rear and the collection of supplies, preparing for a large-scale decisive battle with the enemy to annihilate the enemy’s main force and achieve province-wide victory.

2. Strengthen Political Training in the Army: At present, we should focus on political agitation for carrying out the class decisive battle and striving for the first victory in Jiangxi. Point out the inevitable collapse of the counterrevolutionary united front and that the large-scale offensive is an excellent opportunity to create an iron Red Army, thereby enhancing the officers’ and soldiers’ determination to fight. At the same time, the army must pay attention to opposing the Trotskyists and Reorganizationists. For new recruits, special attention must be given to general political education. Establish soldiers’ committees and Party organizations. Pay particular attention to strengthening and expanding the Party’s leadership force. Within one month, the number of Party members in each army should double compared to the original number. Also, pay attention to systematically propagating communist theory and various revolutionary strategy issues, as well as literacy education, to raise the political level of the Red Army. Regularly lead soldiers in mass work. Absorb resolute worker and peasant elements from mass struggles to expand the Red Army and achieve the task of creating an iron Red Army.

3. Strengthen Practical Military Training: This is one of the serious tasks in creating an iron Red Army, especially for the large number of new recruits, and cannot be neglected in carrying out the class decisive battle. This requires abolishing impractical formal drills, such as posture training. Beyond formal drills, we must utilize all time during movements and rest to achieve this task. Commanders at all levels must carry out this work in a planned manner, with supervision and inspection.

Red Army First Front Army Front Committee
Jiangxi Provincial Action Committee
Printed on October 26, 1930.