**Resolution of the Joint Conference of the General Front Committee and the Jiangxi Provincial Action Committee on the Land Question***
(October 19, 1930)

**The Land Question Is the Primary Content of the Chinese Revolution at Present**
At the present stage of the civil rights revolution, the main task is to oppose feudal forces. The agrarian revolution is the thorough destruction of the feudal economic base. Only by deepening the agrarian revolution can we eliminate the system of landlords and warlords and the rule of imperialism, liberate the broad masses of poor and suffering peasants, and enable the proletariat to win over millions upon millions of poor and suffering peasants to form a solid alliance and strive for the victory of the Chinese revolution. The Red Army emerged from the struggles of the agrarian revolution. While it must certainly shoulder the entire revolutionary tasks of the proletariat, if at present it departs from the agrarian revolution or neglects the correct implementation of the agrarian revolution, it will cease to be the Red Army, and it will be even harder to achieve the expansion of the Red Army and the creation of an iron Red Army. Only the liquidationists, who fundamentally fail to understand the need to oppose feudal forces, would abandon the agrarian revolution.

**Crises in the Revolutionary Work**
At present, in many places within the Soviet areas, local insurrections have not yet been completed, or they can only temporarily occupy areas through guerrilla actions. In southeastern Hubei, there is still not a single county seat to this day, and the phenomenon of confrontation between Red and White areas is seriously taking shape everywhere. Moreover, in many Red areas, the masses are revolutionary today and turn traitor tomorrow. In the Soviet areas of eastern Hubei, the Reorganizationists are developing greatly and plotting insurrections. In southwestern Jiangxi, AB Corps members are everywhere, filling the Party and Youth League special committees, as well as the highest guiding organs and technical personnel of the Southwest Jiangxi Soviet Government—two-thirds are AB Corps elements. Party, Youth League, and Soviet organizations at all levels, as well as the Red Army schools, Red Guards, and Red Post Offices, are all filled with AB Corps organizations, carrying out assassinations, preparing to join forces with Deng Ying's army, and attempting to launch an insurrection to wipe out the Soviets and all revolutionary organizations in one stroke. How serious these problems are deserves the deep attention of every comrade. We must analyze the sources of these crises and resolutely overcome them. The main cause of these crises is the rich peasant line and opportunism in the agrarian revolution.

**The Rich Peasant Line and Opportunism in the Agrarian Revolution**
**A. Distributing Land vs. Not Distributing Land**
Facts have taught us that wherever land was thoroughly and equally distributed, the broad masses could be mobilized, the revolutionary foundation was consolidated, and in most cases local insurrections could be completed, as in counties like Western Fujian, Yongxin, and Xingguo (where the second distribution was relatively thorough). Wherever the rich peasant line of not distributing land was followed, not only were local insurrections not completed, but it was even impossible to eliminate the Red-White confrontation. In Guangji, eastern Hubei, where land was not distributed, the Communist Party and local tyrants could peacefully coexist in the revolutionary area; as a result, when the White terror came, the betrayals were the most ferocious. In Anfu, where rich peasant elements controlled affairs and refused to distribute land, the result was large-scale betrayal and serious treachery against the revolution. Only in the 1st and 3rd Districts, influenced by the land distribution in neighboring Yongxin, where land was distributed, did the peasants resolutely resist the counter-revolutionary attacks. In areas of Yongxin and Xiajiang where land distribution was thorough, there were very few AB Corps members. In Taihe, Xingguo, Jishui, as well as in Daye in eastern Hubei and the Longxian District of Yangxin, wherever land distribution was not thorough, either serious AB Corps activity or Reorganizationist activity occurred. Wherever land distribution was thorough, large numbers of Red Army soldiers could be recruited, as in Yongxin; otherwise, recruitment was impossible. Why is the failure to thoroughly and equally distribute land so serious? Because the main strategy for opposing feudal forces is the agrarian revolution. The agrarian revolution, at present, means distribution—distribution must be equal, and distribution must be swift. Only through the struggle for thorough and equal land distribution can we thoroughly destroy feudal forces and establish the revolutionary foundation. But how have we carried out the agrarian revolution? Raising the red flag but not distributing land for three years, for one year, for half a year—this has been a nearly universal phenomenon in the Red areas of southwestern Jiangxi, Dongjiang, eastern Hubei, western Hubei, western Hunan, and Jiangsu-Zhejiang. Many Red Army units and guerrilla forces pay no attention to this issue. This is not merely opportunism; it is simply the landlord line. It does not stand on the class position of the poor and suffering peasants to demand land distribution. This failure to distribute land actually preserves the landlord system. As for excuses like needing detailed investigations and precise statistics, or that land with growing crops cannot be distributed, or that if distributed, the original cultivating peasant gets two-thirds of the grain while the poor peasant receiving the land gets one-third—the so-called "two-one split" (Daye)—or merely casually taking out a little land through the "land allocation method" (parts of Yangxin), or only implementing "taking from those who have more to supplement those who have less" without implementing "taking the fertile to supplement the barren"—all these rich peasant lines are everywhere obstructing the development of the agrarian revolution. Consequently, not only can the broad masses of poor and suffering peasants not be mobilized to complete local insurrections, but also, although the agrarian revolution has driven away the despotic gentry and landlords, abolished high rents and heavy interest, and eliminated exorbitant taxes and levies, without a thorough distribution of land, those who actually benefit the most are only the rich peasants. Therefore, it is impossible to mobilize the broad masses of poor and suffering peasants for class confrontation against the rich peasants, impossible to establish the revolutionary authority of the poor and suffering peasant masses, impossible to recognize the true face of the rich peasants' ferocious schemes, and impossible to suppress the rich peasants' reaction. Instead, the rich peasants seize the leadership in an agrarian revolution. In the Soviets, Red Guards, Party departments, and all revolutionary organs, rich peasants hold power, and in the interests of the rich peasant class, they oppress the poor and suffering peasants, further organizing AB Corps, the Reorganizationists, and the Third Party, plotting insurrections, and betraying the revolution. This—the failure to equally distribute land and resolutely oppose the rich peasants, leaving a foundation for counter-revolutionary faction activities—is the main root of the serious crises occurring in the Soviet areas.

**B. The Opportunist Line**
The rich peasant line mentioned above—the "land allocation method," the "two-one split," etc.—are clearly rich peasant propositions that obstruct the agrarian revolution and should be rejected. However, because a plausible and seemingly well-founded opportunist line—a very subtle rich peasant line—has trapped the Party, not only are these rich peasant propositions not rejected, but their development is actually fostered. What is that opportunist line? It is the view that land distribution is a peasant consciousness and opposes equal distribution. It claims that land distribution is a bourgeois fantasy that violates the future of socialism, that demanding land distribution fosters peasants' concepts of private ownership, that land distribution does not conform to the aims of the Communist Party's program, and therefore the demand for land distribution should not be raised, leaving the peasants to decide for themselves. Using the pretext of developing production, it opposes distribution based on population and advocates distribution based on labor power as the standard. Using the principles of the civil rights revolutionary stage, it opposes confiscating everything, claiming that confiscating everything would shake the middle peasants. These are either deliberate rightist opposition (rich peasant elements in the villages, using the pretext that the Party's Sixth Congress criticized equal distribution as a petty-bourgeois fantasy, oppose equal distribution) or theoretical empty talk that disregards facts. This empty talk, which does not conform to facts, superficially appears to be ultra-leftist support for socialism, but in reality provides a defense theory for the rich peasants and is an extreme rightist rich peasant line.

**C. The Erroneous Roots of This Line**
It lies in the failure to understand that in China, with its backward, semi-feudal agricultural economy, the agrarian revolution must go through the process of distribution. The main form of China's agricultural economy is small-scale peasant economy. Whether cultivating rented land or one's own land, it is divided into extremely small economic units, cultivated by millions of peasant households using Chinese plows and harrows. (European-style) landlord economy can be said to be non-existent, and capitalist-style farms are very, very few. Therefore, the agrarian revolution cannot immediately collectivize these extremely small economic units to implement socialist collective farm production; this is not permitted by economic conditions. Hence, it must be recognized that at the beginning of the agrarian revolution, small-scale peasant economic production still occupies the main form, and land must be distributed to the peasants. Moreover, because landless and land-poor peasant masses everywhere constitute the vast majority of the rural population—over 70 percent in the south—once the agrarian revolutionary movement arises, it will inevitably demand the confiscation of everything and equal distribution to satisfy the needs of the masses. Therefore, the last Congress long ago pointed out that in places with many unemployed and poor peasants, a movement for "equal distribution of land" will inevitably arise. If this slogan is supported by the majority of the peasant masses, the Communist Party should assist it, because this is a slogan that thoroughly eliminates all feudal remnants and directly shakes the system of private ownership. This has long been answered theoretically. The Chinese agrarian revolution has already been going on for two or three years, and we should rely even more on the lessons of these two or three years of facts to understand this issue.

The fact is that if the peasants do not rise up to distribute land, it is one thing; but once they rise up, they everywhere demand equal distribution.

The fact is that merely confiscating the land of the landlords is insufficient; all land of the rich peasants must also be confiscated, because the land they occupy, in the southern provinces, is second in amount only to that of the landlords, and moreover, most of it is fertile land. If it is not all confiscated, it will certainly not satisfy the needs of the broad masses of poor and suffering peasants. That is why in Xiajiang and the northern part of Ji'an, land was distributed three or five times, until finally all the rich peasants' land was confiscated and an equal distribution was carried out, and only then was it considered well done. The fact is that the special characteristic of the Chinese rich peasant is the practice of semi-feudal, cruel exploitation, inseparable from the landlord class. From cunning speculation to vacillation and betrayal, they are counter-revolutionary from beginning to end. Without equal distribution, it is impossible to immediately ignite the class battle line between the poor and suffering peasant masses and the rich peasants in the villages, impossible to establish the leadership of the hired farmhands, and impossible to suppress the rich peasants' reaction. To speak of resolutely opposing the rich peasants without confiscating their land is empty talk. The fact is that the masses have already moved forward, demanding the confiscation of everything, while the Party is still rigidly adhering to the principles of the civil rights stage, only confiscating the land of the landlord class and not daring to propose confiscating everything. But when the masses are already confiscating everything, the Party then says that if the masses demand the confiscation of everything, the Party should not oppose it. What a liquidationist approach this is, not even trying to catch the tail—failing to win over the over 70 percent of poor and suffering peasant masses and letting the rich peasants lead. The fact is that confiscating everything not only does not shake the middle peasants, but the majority of middle peasants actually receive land through distribution, as was the case in the 10th District of Xingguo. In some places, although a small number of middle peasants inevitably have some land taken away, under the revolutionary prestige of the broad masses of poor and suffering peasants during the confiscation of everything, the middle peasants feel that all oppressive exploitation has been abolished, that they can no longer be rich peasants, let alone landlords, that everyone is equal, and that giving up a little land is only right (the middle peasants near the river in Yangxin). That is to say, to win over the middle peasants, it is only possible when the poor and suffering peasant masses possess broad authority and under the condition of fiercely attacking the landlords. That is, equal distribution of land is the best means. If the poor and suffering peasant masses are still living under the rich peasants, and the rich peasants can still exert their authority, then do not think of forming a solid alliance with the middle peasants.

The fact is that so-called peasant consciousness includes at least two kinds: rich peasant consciousness and poor peasant consciousness. Rich peasant consciousness advocates non-distribution; poor peasants demand equal distribution. To say that equal distribution of land is peasant consciousness and to oppose peasant consciousness means only non-distribution of land. This precisely opposes poor peasant consciousness and represents rich peasant consciousness. Equal distribution is certainly not socialist consciousness, but at present it indeed has its great revolutionary role in smashing the feudal system and its historical significance in moving toward socialism. In the past, the Russian Mensheviks criticized Lenin's advocacy of equal distribution of land as violating socialism. Lenin's reply was: "Equal distribution of land has a historical revolutionary role, which the Mensheviks do not understand." The Sixth Congress pointed out that equal distribution is a petty-bourgeois socialist fantasy, and the Party must criticize it, but this absolutely does not mean denying equal distribution or opposing equal distribution. The Sixth Congress clearly wrote: "The slogan of equal distribution of land should be supported, while at the same time criticism should be made... so that the peasants fully understand that under the present capitalist system, there is absolutely no possibility of true equality, and only after the victory of the proletariat can we move toward the true construction of socialism." This means that while carrying out the work of equal distribution, we must also carry out the work of criticism. The gentlemen of opportunism only engage in the nonsense of criticism there; without equal distribution, what is there to criticize? As for opposing the expansion of the Red Army, opposing outward development, and not concentrating armed forces—these are all rich peasant consciousness. The poor peasants, on the contrary, are for thoroughly destroying feudal forces and actively developing outward. At present, to break conservative concepts, we must focus on "opposing rich peasant consciousness," but we must not indiscriminately oppose peasant consciousness, thereby suppressing a part of the poor peasants' extremely revolutionary consciousness at present (equal distribution of land, opposition to rich peasants). Of course, the Communist Party must establish the leadership of proletarian consciousness (such as criticizing equal distribution) and cannot remain stagnant at the level of poor peasant consciousness.

The fact is that the so-called development of production and using labor power as the standard for distribution, at present, precisely represents the rich peasant...

...demands. Rich peasants count their farming tools, fertilizers, seeds, and oxen as labor power. Only rich peasants have the most labor power and the best conditions for developing production. Rich peasants say that poor peasants have nothing at all, and if they are given too much land, it will go to waste. Thus, under the revolutionary banner of developing production best, rich peasants have obtained a great deal of land, while the poor peasants, who most urgently need land, still cannot solve the problem of land shortage. Moreover, even if capital is not included when using labor power as the standard, the elderly, women, and children lack or have no labor power, so they get less land when it is distributed. But their consumption is not less; sometimes they even have to hire peasants to farm. If they do not have enough to eat and must pay wages, how can they sustain their livelihood? In the current period of struggle, developing production is not the main thing; winning over the masses is the urgent demand. Only by rousing the broad masses of poor peasants, thoroughly overthrowing the feudal forces, and winning victory in the national revolution can we talk about developing production. In reality, when poor peasants get land, in order to have food, the labor power of the whole family—men and women, old and young—is used on the land. Not only does the land not go to waste, but production has already developed. In western Fujian, the harvest this year increased by 20 percent compared to before the revolution, which is clear proof.

The fact is that when no concrete proposals are put forward regarding confiscation and distribution, and it is said to be left to the masses, the result is often manipulation and exploitation by rich peasants. Not only is there no equal distribution, sometimes there is no distribution at all, as was the case in Anfu. So-called leaving it to the masses means accepting the correct demands of the masses. The masses everywhere are already demanding the confiscation of everything and equal distribution. The Party should resolutely propose the confiscation of everything and equal distribution, so that the broad masses receive resolute leadership, and the rich peasants have no way to carry out their schemes and deceptions. The Communist Party no longer has any reason to say that land distribution is not the ultimate goal of the Communist Party and to casually let the peasants distribute it as they please. It should not still stand by indifferently and not actively come forward to lead this great current struggle.

Based on the lessons of the above facts, we should understand the land problem. The Central Committee's directive on confiscation follows the principles of the democratic revolution stage; for rich peasants, it means political confiscation. If the majority of poor peasant masses demand the confiscation of everything, then of course everything should be confiscated. Regarding distribution, two methods are proposed: distribution per capita and distribution according to labor power. This allows each locality to work flexibly based on actual facts. Now, facts everywhere teach us that the demand is for the confiscation of everything and equal distribution. We should choose one of the two methods indicated by the Central Committee for practical work. This is the lively and correct way to carry out the Central Committee's line. Those who say that confiscating everything and equal distribution is peasant consciousness and violates the Central Committee's directives either do not understand the Central Committee's instructions or are deliberately distorting them to speak for the rich peasants.

The Historical Development of Consistent Opportunism on the Land Question

The Communist Party has committed a consistent opportunist line on the land question. Before the Great Revolution, the land question was never raised within the Party. During the Great Revolution, the peasant movement in Hunan, Hubei, and Guangdong reached a climax of equal land distribution, but the Party could not put forward correct proposals on the agrarian revolution and only scolded the peasant movement for going too far. By the time of the Nanchang Uprising, although it was recognized that the agrarian revolution was serious, they were still stuck in the pit of opportunism, saying that the land of small landlords with less than fifty mu should not be confiscated. This was a serious reason for the failure of the Great Revolution. During the period of putschism, peasant uprisings were carried out, but no attention was paid to solving the land problem. The Sixth Congress pointed out that the agrarian revolution is the main content of the Chinese revolution and called for the confiscation of the land of the landlord class and support for equal distribution. However, in many Soviet areas, when it came to implementation, a serious rich peasant line emerged again—either no distribution occurred, or the distribution was not thorough. Now, the broad masses of poor peasants are already demanding the confiscation of everything, yet we are still saying this violates the principles of the democratic revolution stage and are still trying to persuade the masses, pulling them backward. This cannot cut off the last tail of opportunism. If we do not resolutely propose the confiscation of everything and equal distribution, we will be unable to lead the high tide of the peasant agrarian revolution and establish a solid alliance with the proletariat. This has led to the slow development of the Red areas, the serious antagonism between the Red and White masses on the Soviet border, the shrinking of the Red areas, the defection of the masses, and the inability of the Red Army to expand rapidly. It appears there is a danger of causing the Chinese revolution to miscarry again. Therefore, the current struggle against the rich peasant opportunist line in the agrarian revolution is the most important task, before the revolutionary high tide, to mobilize millions upon millions of poor peasant masses to accomplish local insurrections and for the proletariat to strive for the first victory in one or several provinces.

Resolution of the Joint Conference of the General Front Committee and the Jiangxi Provincial Action Committee on the Land Question

Organizational Purge of Rich Peasant Elements and Opportunist Elements

At present, the Communist Party, especially the Party branches in the rural areas, is filled with rich peasant and middle peasant elements, and the proletarian foundation is very weak. This is the organizational root of the serious occurrence of the rich peasant line and opportunism. Therefore, to resolutely oppose the rich peasant line and opportunism in the agrarian revolution, we must, in the resolute struggle to launch equal land distribution, organizationally expel rich peasant elements and purge all opportunist elements. Because these elements depart from the class viewpoint, are completely divorced from the masses, do not accept the masses' demands, and even occupy Party headquarters and Soviet revolutionary organs, oppressing the masses and hindering the deepening of the agrarian revolution. Only in this way can we ensure the implementation of the correct agrarian revolutionary strategy.

Confiscate Everything, Equal Distribution

All land belonging to the landlord class, public ancestral halls, temples, and rich peasants shall be confiscated without exception and equally distributed. Houses, forests, such as bamboo groves and tea plantations, that can be divided and that the poor peasant masses want to divide, shall all be equally distributed. Land distribution must be per capita, implementing the principles of taking from those with more to supplement those with less, and taking from the fertile to supplement the barren, and must be completed within seven days at most. Among these three principles, taking from the fertile to supplement the barren must be achieved first, to avoid further equal distribution later or causing trouble for poor peasants.

Issues of Distribution Among Various Populations

In principle, hired farmhands do not receive land; labor protection laws shall be implemented to guarantee their livelihood. However, if hired farmhands demand land distribution, they shall still be given land accordingly. Porcelain workers, semi-unemployed workers, and unemployed independent laborers, when they cannot be encouraged to join the Red Army and the government cannot organize production to solve their livelihood, shall also be given land in order to win over the masses. Lumpenproletarians shall likewise be given land; they should be wrested from the exploiting policies of the ruling class and forced to labor. Red Army soldiers themselves, for preferential treatment, should be given land, and the Soviet government must send people or force rich peasants to use farming mutual-aid organizations to farm the land on their behalf. Family members of rich peasants and landlords, provided they obey Soviet laws and have no counter-revolutionary schemes, shall also be allocated land and forced to labor.

Issues of Cooperative Organization

Organize agricultural production cooperatives; confiscate the surplus oxen and farming tools of counter-revolutionaries and rich peasants to help poor peasants and hired farmhands farm. Confiscate the property of the landlord class and counter-revolutionaries, and requisition the money of rich peasants to organize credit cooperatives, lending at low interest to poor peasants. Organize marketing cooperatives. The government running collective farms should currently be a propaganda slogan. If possible, the Soviet government can run collective farms, using socialist means of production to compete with capitalist methods of production and leading the peasants toward socialist collective production. However, at present, the Soviet regime is of a political struggle nature, and its economic and managerial capacity makes it difficult to run collective farms. If poorly managed, it would cause the peasants to lose faith in collective production. For now, generally speaking, organizing production cooperatives remains the main approach.

Nationalization of the Land

This is currently a propaganda slogan. In practice, prohibiting the buying and selling of land, prohibiting the renting out of land, and having land distributed by the Soviets already amounts to nationalization. Only by actively carrying out socialist propaganda, criticizing equal distribution as still insufficient (but when criticizing, we must first acknowledge that equal distribution of land has overthrown the feudal landlord system of several thousand years and that the peasants' liberation is a great victory), pointing out that land and farming tools cannot be improved, fertilizers and seeds cannot be properly secured, and insect plagues, floods, and droughts cannot be prevented—only by cooperating with the proletariat, overthrowing the entire rule of imperialism and warlords, striving for the victory of the national Soviets, abolishing the capitalist system, building a socialist society, implementing collective farms, electrifying the countryside, using new types of machinery for farming and harvesting, using scientific fertilizers and scientifically improving the land, and preventing disasters—can the agrarian revolution achieve complete victory and mankind enjoy the greatest peace and happiness. This is the practical educational work to lead the poor peasants and win over the middle peasants toward socialism. If we mechanically proclaim nationalization, it will violate the peasants' current private demand for land distribution and will have no good effect.

Abolish All Debts

From the day of the agrarian revolution, all debts, whether loans, shop credits, or various grain loans and interest, shall be abolished without exception. This is because rural debts, apart from a small number of friendly loans among poor peasants, all carry a feudal exploitative nature. Abolishing them all is truly the urgent demand of the broad masses of poor peasants. However, debts owed by rich peasants and landlords to poor peasants and hired farmhands for special reasons must be repaid. Debts between rich peasants and landlords shall be handed over to the Soviets as capital for credit cooperatives.

Establish Soviet Political Power

In the struggle of the agrarian revolution, we must resolutely mobilize the masses, letting the masses themselves kill the gentry and landlords and all counter-revolutionaries. Only by ruthlessly annihilating the reactionaries can the masses be roused to confiscate the landlords' arms and establish Soviet political power and Red Guards led by resolute hired farmhands and poor peasants.

Letter to the East Hunan Special Committee

(October 19, 1930)

East Hunan Special Committee:

Your September letter was received today at Xiajiang. We have received a total of three letters from you dated before September, and we sent a general reply on the 15th; we trust you have received that letter.

Your September letter says that the Central Committee, the Provincial Committee, and the Yangtze River Bureau all sent letters to us, and that they have generally been forwarded here. However, we have not received them here. We wonder from where your office sent them that caused the error, and we are very concerned! If your office has kept copies, please urgently copy and send them again; we look forward to it.

Regarding the issue of new recruits, it would be best if you could send 5,000 by the end of this month. We hope you will intensify your efforts and use propaganda and agitation methods to recruit and reach or even exceed this number. As for the method of transport, you should also communicate with the Ji'an Office of the Workers' and Peasants' Revolutionary Committee. We have set up an office in Ji'an, with Mao Zedong as director and Wan as deputy director. Internally, a Rear Area Committee has been organized, with Mao Zedong as secretary. The Rear Area Committee's tasks are to recruit new soldiers and make uniforms. Regarding your office's matter of sending new recruits, you should communicate with the Rear Area Committee.

The General Front Committee arrived at Xiajiang on the 17th of this month and held a plenary meeting here. Resolutions were made on the assessment of the current situation, the issue of action, the land question, and the capital question. Regarding the current situation, we believe that the warlord conflicts within the ruling class cannot be reconciled or halted for the time being, but neither will they continue to expand indefinitely. That is to say, under the conditions of the increasingly critical Chinese revolutionary situation, any faction within the reactionary ruling class feels the need for a reformist political program. However, the question of leadership of this reformist political power can never be resolved by peaceful means. In the near future, the military...