At the present stage of the civil rights revolution, the main task is to oppose feudal forces.

The agrarian revolution is aimed at thoroughly destroying the feudal economic base. Only by deepening the agrarian revolution can we eliminate the landlord-warlord system and imperialist rule, liberate the vast masses of poor peasants, and enable the proletariat to rally tens of millions of poor peasants to forge a solid alliance and strive for the victory of the Chinese revolution.

The Red Army was born out of the struggles of the agrarian revolution. While it certainly must shoulder the entire revolutionary task of the proletariat, at present, if it departs from the agrarian revolution or neglects its correct implementation, it will cease to be the Red Army, and it will be even harder to expand the Red Army and forge it into an iron army. Only the liquidationists, who fundamentally fail to understand the need to oppose feudal forces, would abandon the agrarian revolution.

In many areas within the Soviet regions, local insurrections have not yet been completed, or they can only achieve temporary occupation through guerrilla warfare.

To this day, in southeastern Hubei, there is still not a single county seat under control, and the phenomenon of sharp division between Red and White areas is everywhere taking shape with severity.

Furthermore, in many Red areas, the masses support the revolution today yet turn against it tomorrow.

In the Soviet regions of eastern Hubei, the Reorganizationists have expanded greatly and are plotting insurrections.

In southwestern Jiangxi, the Anti-Bolshevik League (AB League) is everywhere present. As much as one-third of the personnel in the top leadership and technical staff of the two special committees of the Party and the League, as well as the Soviet Government of southwestern Jiangxi, are AB League elements. Party and League organizations at all levels, Soviets, Red Army schools, Red Guards, and Red Postal Offices are all infiltrated with AB League organizations, carrying out assassinations and preparing to join forces with Deng Ying's army, plotting an insurrection to wipe out the Soviet regime and all revolutionary organizations in one stroke. How grave these problems are, and how deeply every comrade must pay attention! We must analyze the sources of these crises and resolutely overcome them.

The primary cause of these crises is the rich-peasant line and opportunism in the agrarian revolution.

A. The Lessons of Distributing Land and Not Distributing Land
Facts have taught us that wherever land was thoroughly distributed equally, the broad masses were mobilized, the revolutionary foundation was consolidated, and in most cases, local insurrections could be completed, as in the counties of western Fujian, Yongxin, and Xingguo (where the first distribution was relatively thorough).

Wherever the rich-peasant line of not distributing land was followed, not only did local insurrections fail to be completed, but it was even impossible to eliminate the division between Red and White areas. In Guangji, eastern Hubei, land was not distributed, and the Communist Party and local tyrants could coexist peacefully in the revolutionary area. As a result, when the White Terror struck, the area turned against the revolution with the greatest ferocity.

In Anfu, where rich-peasant elements controlled affairs and refused to distribute land, the majority turned against the revolution, bringing serious betrayal to the cause. Only in the First and Third Districts, influenced by the land distribution in nearby Yongxin, did the peasants, having received land, resolutely resist counter-revolutionary attacks.

In areas of Yongxin and Xiajiang where land distribution was thorough, the AB League was seldom found. In Taihe, Xingguo, Jishui, and in Daye in eastern Hubei, as well as in the Longxian District of Yangxin, wherever land distribution was not thorough, either serious AB League activity or Reorganizationist activity occurred. Wherever land distribution was thorough, large numbers of people were able to join the Red Army, as in Yongxin; otherwise, mobilization failed.

Why is the failure to thoroughly distribute land equally so serious?

Because the primary strategy for opposing feudal forces is the agrarian revolution. At present, the agrarian revolution means distribution; distribution must be equal, and it must be done quickly. Only through the struggle for thorough and equal land distribution can we thoroughly destroy feudal forces and lay the revolutionary foundation. But how have we been carrying out the agrarian revolution?

In many places, the red flag has been raised, yet land remains undistributed for three years, one year, or half a year. This is an almost universal phenomenon in the Red areas of southwestern Jiangxi, Dongjiang, eastern Hubei, western Hubei, western Hunan, and Jiangsu-Zhejiang. The Red Army and guerrilla forces often pay no attention to this issue. This is nothing less than a landlord line, not an expression of the class interests of poor peasants demanding land distribution. This failure to distribute land effectively means preserving the landlord system. As for pretexts such as the need for detailed investigation, precise statistics, the inability to distribute land already planted with green crops, or methods where the original tenant farmer gets one-third of the harvest and the newly endowed poor peasant gets two-thirds (as in Daye), or arbitrarily distributing only a small amount of land (as in parts of Yangxin), or implementing only the "extracting the surplus without redistributing the fertile lands," these rich-peasant lines are everywhere hindering the development of the agrarian revolution.

Consequently, not only are we unable to mobilize the broad masses of poor peasants to complete local insurrections, but also, while the agrarian revolution has driven away the despotic gentry and landlords, abolished high rents and usurious interest, and eliminated exorbitant taxes and levies, without a thorough redistribution of land, the ones who actually benefit the most are the rich peasants. As a result, we cannot arouse the broad masses of poor peasants to class confrontation against the rich peasants, cannot establish the revolutionary authority of the poor peasant masses, make them recognize the true face of the rich peasants' ruthless schemes, or suppress the rich peasants' reactionary acts. On the contrary, the leadership of the agrarian revolution falls into the hands of the rich peasants. In the Soviets, Red Guards, Party branches, and all revolutionary organs, rich peasants hold power. Acting in the interests of the rich-peasant class, they oppress poor peasants and further organize the AB League, the Reorganizationists, and the Third Party to plot insurrections and betray the revolution. This is the primary root cause of the severe crises in the Soviet regions, leaving a base for counter-revolutionary activities by failing to distribute land equally and resolutely oppose the rich peasants.

B. The Opportunist Line
The rich-peasant line mentioned above—such as the "arbitrary land allocation method" and the "one-two split"—are clearly proposals by rich peasants to hinder the agrarian revolution and should be categorically rejected. However, because a seemingly plausible and well-argued opportunist line—a highly subtle rich-peasant line—has taken hold within the Party, the Party not only fails to reject these rich-peasant propositions but actually fosters their spread. What is this opportunist line?

It holds that distributing land reflects the peasant mentality and opposes equal distribution.
It claims that land distribution is a bourgeois illusion that goes against the future of socialism; that advocating land distribution fosters peasants' notion of private ownership; that distribution contravenes the goals of the Communist Party, so the Party should not propose distributing land but let the peasants decide for themselves.
Using the pretext of developing production, it opposes distribution based on population headcount and advocates distribution based on labor capacity.
Invoking the principles of the civil rights revolutionary stage, it opposes the confiscation of all land, arguing that total confiscation would destabilize the middle peasants.
These positions are either deliberate opposition from the right (with rich-peasant elements in the countryside using the Sixth Congress of the Communist Party's criticism of equal distribution as a petty-bourgeois illusion to oppose equal distribution) or theoretical blather divorced from facts. Such blather, though superficially appearing to uphold socialism with an ultra-leftist stance, actually provides a theoretical defense for the rich peasants and is, in essence, an extreme rightist rich-peasant line.

C. The Error's Root
The error of this line lies in failing to understand that in China, with its backward, semi-feudal agricultural economy, the agrarian revolution must go through a process of distribution. The primary form of China's agricultural economy is small-scale peasant farming. Whether tilling rented land or their own, peasants operate on tiny economic units, cultivated by millions of peasant households using Chinese plows and harrows. There is virtually no European-style landlord economy, and capitalist-style farms are very few. Therefore, the agrarian revolution cannot immediately amalgamate these tiny economic units into socialist collective farms; this is precluded by economic conditions. Hence, we must acknowledge that at the start of the agrarian revolution, small-peasant production remains the dominant form, and land must be distributed to the peasants.

Moreover, since landless and land-poor peasants everywhere constitute the vast majority of the rural population—accounting for over 70 percent in the south—once the agrarian revolutionary movement arises, it will inevitably demand the confiscation of all land and equal distribution to meet the masses' needs. For this reason, the last Party Congress already pointed out that in places with large numbers of unemployed and poor peasants, a movement for "equal distribution of land" is bound to occur. If this slogan is supported by the majority of peasant masses, the Communist Party should aid it, as it is a slogan that thoroughly eliminates all remnants of feudalism and directly shakes the system of private ownership. This has long been theoretically resolved.

Now that the agrarian revolution in China has been underway for two or three years, we should rely on the lessons of this period to understand the issue. The facts show that if peasants do not rise up to demand land distribution, nothing happens, but once they do, they everywhere demand equal distribution. The facts show that merely confiscating landlord land is insufficient; all land belonging to rich peasants must also be confiscated, because in southern provinces, rich peasants' land holdings are second only to those of landlords and are mostly fertile land. If not entirely confiscated, the needs of the broad masses of poor peasants cannot be met. This is why in Xiajiang and the northern route of Ji'an, land was distributed three times, five times, until finally, all rich-peasant land was confiscated and equal distribution was carried out before the job was considered well done.

The facts show that the special characteristic of China's rich peasants is that they practice semi-feudal, brutal exploitation and are inseparable from the landlord class. From cunning opportunism to vacillation and betrayal, they are counter-revolutionary from start to finish. Without equal distribution, we cannot draw the class battle lines between the rural poor-peasant masses and the rich peasants from the outset, nor can we establish the leadership of hired farmhands or suppress the rich peasants' reactionary behavior. Talk of resolutely opposing rich peasants while not confiscating their land is empty talk.

The facts show that when the masses have already moved forward and demand total confiscation, the Party still rigidly adheres to the principles of the civil rights revolutionary stage, only confiscating landlord-class land and not daring to propose total confiscation. But once the masses are already carrying out total confiscation, then we say that if the masses demand total confiscation, the Party should not oppose it. What a liquidationist approach this is, failing even to hold onto the coattails! It means not striving to win over the poor peasant masses—over 70 percent of the population—and letting the rich peasants take the lead.

The facts show that total confiscation not only does not destabilize the middle peasants, but in fact, the majority of middle peasants gain land from it, as was the case in the Tenth District of Xingguo. In some places, although a minority of middle peasants inevitably had some land taken, under the revolutionary authority of the broad masses of poor peasants carrying out total confiscation, the middle peasants felt that all oppressive exploitation had been abolished, that rich peasants could no longer exist, and landlords even less so, that everyone was equal, and that contributing a little was only right (as with middle peasants in the riverside areas of Yangxin). This means that to secure the middle peasants, the poor peasant masses must possess broad-based authority and the attack on landlords must be fierce enough; only then is it possible. In other words, equal land distribution is the best means. If the poor peasant masses still subsist under the rich peasants, and the rich peasants can still wield authority, then forget about forming a solid alliance with the middle peasants.

The facts show that so-called "peasant mentality" encompasses at least two types: rich-peasant mentality and poor-peasant mentality. The rich-peasant mentality advocates non-distribution, while the poor peasant demands equal distribution. To say that equal land distribution reflects peasant mentality and must be opposed means, in effect, opposing only non-distribution—which precisely means opposing poor-peasant mentality and representing rich-peasant mentality. Equal distribution is, of course, not a socialist consciousness, but at present, it indeed has a tremendous revolutionary role in smashing the feudal system and bears historical significance in progressing toward socialism.

In the past, when the Russian Mensheviks criticized Lenin's advocacy of equal land distribution as contrary to socialism, Lenin replied, "Equal distribution of land has a historically revolutionary role, which the Mensheviks fail to understand."

The Sixth Congress pointed out that equal distribution is a petty-bourgeois socialist illusion and that the Party must criticize it, but by no means does this mean denying or opposing equal distribution. The Sixth Congress clearly wrote: "We should support the slogan of equal distribution of land, while at the same time criticizing it... to make the peasants fully understand that under the present capitalist system, there can never be true and genuine equality, and that only after the victory of the proletariat can we proceed to the construction of true socialism."

This means that we must carry out the work of equal distribution while simultaneously doing the work of criticism. The gentlemen of the opportunist line just keep mouthing the verbiage of criticism, but when equal distribution has not yet been carried out, what exactly are they criticizing?

As for opposing the expansion of the Red Army, opposing outward expansion, and failing to concentrate armed forces—these are all manifestations of rich-peasant mentality. The poor peasants, in contrast, are determined to thoroughly destroy feudal forces and actively expand outward. At present, to break the conservative mindset, we must specifically focus on "opposing rich-peasant mentality," but we must not indiscriminately oppose the peasant mentality in general, thereby suppressing the currently highly revolutionary consciousness of the poor peasants (i.e., equal distribution of land, opposition to rich peasants). Of course, the Communist Party must establish the leadership of proletarian consciousness (such as criticizing equal distribution) and cannot remain stagnant at the level of poor-peasant consciousness.

The facts show that the so-called development of production and the use of labor capacity as the distribution standard are precisely the demands of the rich peasants today. The rich peasants count farming tools, fertilizers, seeds, and animal labor as part of their labor capacity. Only the rich peasants have the greatest labor capacity and the best conditions for developing production. The rich peasants say that the poor peasants have nothing, and giving them too much land would only let it go fallow. Thus, under the revolutionary banner of "developing production," the rich peasants acquire large amounts of land, while the poor peasants, who most urgently need land, still cannot solve the problem of land shortage.

Moreover, even if capital is not factored in, using labor capacity as the standard disadvantages the elderly, the weak, and women, who lack or have no labor capacity. They receive less land, yet their consumption needs are not proportionally reduced. Sometimes they even have to hire laborers to farm the land. Without enough food and having to pay wages, how can they sustain their livelihood? In the current period of struggle, developing production is not the primary concern; winning over the masses is the urgent imperative. Only by arousing the broad masses of poor peasants, thoroughly overthrowing the feudal forces, and winning national revolutionary victory can we talk about developing production. In reality, poor peasants who receive land, needing to feed their families, will deploy the labor of all family members—men and women, old and young—on the land. Not only will the land not go fallow, but production has actually developed. The evidence is that in western Fujian, the harvest this year increased by 20 percent compared to before the revolution.

The reality is that without putting forward concrete proposals for confiscation and distribution, the so-called "relying on the masses" often ends up manipulated and exploited by the rich peasants. Not only is the land not equally divided, but sometimes it is not divided at all—Anfu is a case in point.

The so-called "relying on the masses" means accepting the correct demands of the masses. The masses everywhere are already demanding the confiscation of all land and its equal distribution. The Party should resolutely propose the confiscation of all land and its equal distribution, so that the broad masses receive firm leadership and the rich peasants have no chance to carry out their schemes and deceptions.

The Communist Party no longer has any reason to say that dividing the land is not the Party's ultimate goal and to casually let the peasants handle the division on their own. It must no longer remain indifferent and refrain from actively leading this great ongoing struggle.

Based on the lessons drawn from the above facts, it is time to recognize the land issue. The Central Committee's directive on confiscation follows the principle of the democratic-civil rights phase, which for the rich peasants means political confiscation. When the majority of the poor peasant masses demand the confiscation of all land, all land should of course be confiscated.

For distribution, two methods have been proposed: division on a per capita basis and division based on labor power. This allows each locality to carry out flexible work in accordance with actual conditions.

The facts everywhere are now teaching us a lesson: the demand is for thorough confiscation and equal distribution. We must choose one of the two methods indicated by the Central Committee to carry out in practical work—this is the flexible and correct way to implement the Central Committee's line.

Those who say that "confiscation of all land" and "equal distribution" reflect a peasant mentality and violate the Central Committee's instructions either fail to understand the Central Committee's directive, or they are deliberately distorting it to plead for the rich peasants.

The Communist Party has adhered to a consistent opportunist line on the land issue.

Before the Great Revolution, the Party never even raised the land issue. During the Great Revolution, when the peasant movements in Hunan, Hubei, and Guangdong entered a high tide of equal distribution of land, the Party failed to put forward a correct stance on the agrarian revolution and merely condemned the peasant movement for going too far.

At the time of the Nanchang Uprising, when the gravity of the agrarian revolution was recognized, the Party remained mired in the pit of opportunism, claiming that the land of petty landlords owning less than fifty mu would not be confiscated. This was a serious cause for the failure of the Great Revolution.

During the period of putschism, peasant uprisings were carried out, but no attention was paid to resolving the land issue. The Sixth Congress pointed out that the agrarian revolution constitutes the main content of the Chinese revolution and called for the confiscation of the landlord class's land and support for equal division. Yet, in many Soviet areas, when it came to implementation, a serious rich-peasant line emerged again—either the land was not divided, or the division was not thorough.

Now, vast numbers of impoverished peasant masses are already demanding that all land be confiscated, and we are still saying that this violates the principles of the democratic-civil rights phase, still trying to persuade the masses and pull them backward. This cannot cut off the final tail of opportunism.

If we do not resolutely propose the confiscation of all land and its equal distribution, we will be unable to lead the high tide of the peasant agrarian revolution and establish a solid alliance with the proletariat. This explains current phenomena: the slow development of the Red areas, the severe antagonism between the red and white masses along the borders of the Soviet areas, the shrinking of Red areas and the defection of the masses, and the inability of the Red Army to expand rapidly.

It appears that this could again lead the Chinese revolution towards the danger of a miscarriage.

Therefore, the current struggle against the rich-peasant opportunist line in the agrarian revolution is the most important task, before the approaching revolutionary high tide, to mobilize tens of millions of poor peasant masses to accomplish local insurrections and, together with the proletariat, to strive for the first victory in one or several provinces.

5. Organizational Purge of Rich-Peasant Elements and Opportunist Elements
At present, the Communist Party, especially rural Party branches, is filled with rich-peasant and middle-peasant elements, while its proletarian foundation is extremely weak. This constitutes the organizational root of the grave emergence of the rich-peasant line and opportunism. Therefore, to resolutely oppose the rich-peasant line of opportunism in the agrarian revolution, it is necessary, in the resolute mobilization of the struggle for equal division of land, to organizationally expel rich-peasant elements and purge all opportunist elements. This must be done because these elements have abandoned the class viewpoint, completely divorced themselves from the masses, and refused to accept the masses' demands. Some even occupy positions in Party branches and Soviet revolutionary organs, oppressing the masses and hindering the deepening of the agrarian revolution. Only by doing so can we guarantee the implementation of the correct agrarian revolution strategy.

6. Confiscation of All Land and Equal Distribution
All land belonging to the landlord class, public ancestral halls, temples, and rich peasants shall be confiscated without exception and equally distributed. Houses, mountain forests—such as bamboo groves and tea-oil hills—that can be divided and are desired for division by the poor peasant masses shall all be equally distributed.

For the distribution of fields, they must be divided on a per capita basis, adopting the principle of taking from those with more to supplement those with less, and taking from those with fertile land to supplement those with barren land. The division must be completed within seven days at most. Among these three principles, "taking fertile to supplement barren" must be achieved first and foremost, to avoid the need for another round of equal division later on, or the trouble of dragging in the poor peasants.

7. Issues of Distribution for Various Populations
In principle, hired farmhands shall not be allocated land; labor protection laws shall be implemented to guarantee their livelihood. However, if hired farmhands demand land allocation, they shall still be given land accordingly.

For porcelain workers, semi-unemployed workers, and unemployed independent laborers, if they cannot be encouraged to join the Red Army and the government cannot organize production to solve their livelihood problems, they shall be given land just the same, in order to win over the masses.

Vagrants shall likewise be given land. They should be wrested from the exploiting policies of the ruling class and forced into labor.

Red Army soldiers, as individuals entitled to preferential treatment, shall be allocated land. The Soviet government must also assign people or compel rich peasants to cultivate the land on their behalf through mutual-aid organizations for farming.

Family members of rich peasants and landlords, provided they obey Soviet decrees and harbor no reactionary schemes, shall likewise be allocated land and forced to labor.

Organize agricultural production cooperatives. Confiscate the draft animals and farming tools of counter-revolutionaries and those in excess among the rich peasants to assist poor peasants and hired hands in farming. Confiscate the property of the landlord class and counter-revolutionaries, and requisition, by loan or otherwise, the money and wealth of rich peasants to organize credit cooperatives, lending to poor peasants at low interest. Organize marketing cooperatives.

Government-run collective farms should currently be a slogan for propaganda. Where conditions permit, the Soviet government may establish collective farms, aiming to use socialist means of production to compete with capitalist methods and to lead the peasants toward socialist collective production. However, at present, the Soviet regime is primarily engaged in political struggle; its economic and administrative capacity makes it difficult to run collective farms. If managed poorly, they will undermine the peasants' faith in collective production. Generally speaking, at present, organizing production cooperatives should still be the main focus.

At present, this should be a propaganda slogan. The actual prohibition of land sales and rentals, with land distributed by the Soviets alone, already constitutes nationalization.
We must only actively carry out socialist propaganda, criticizing equal division as still insufficient (but when criticizing, we must first acknowledge that equal division of land has overthrown the millennia-old feudal landlord system and that the peasants' liberation is a great victory), pointing out that land and farming tools cannot be improved, fertilizers and seeds cannot be properly arranged, and pests, floods, and droughts cannot be prevented. Only by cooperating with the proletariat, overthrowing the entire rule of imperialism and warlords, striving for the victory of the Soviets nationwide, abolishing the capitalist system, building a socialist society, implementing collective farms, electrifying the countryside, using new types of machinery for plowing and harvesting, applying scientific fertilizers, scientifically improving farmland, and preventing disasters—only then can the agrarian revolution achieve complete victory and bring humanity its greatest peace and happiness.

This is the practical educational work required to lead the poor peasants and win over the middle peasants toward socialism.

To mechanically declare nationalization would violate the peasants' current desire for private ownership of the land they now want to divide, and would have no positive impact.

8. Abolition of All Debts
From the day of the agrarian revolution onward, all debts, whether loans, shop debts, or interest on various grain borrowings, shall be abolished without exception.
The reason is that rural debts, excluding the small number of friendly loans between poor peasants, all possess a feudal exploitative character. Their complete abolition is an urgent demand of the broad impoverished peasant masses. However, debts owed to poor peasants and hired hands by the rich peasant and landlord class for special reasons must still be repaid. Debts between rich peasants and landlords shall be handed over to the Soviets to serve as capital for credit cooperatives.

11. Establishment of Soviet Political Power
In the struggle of the agrarian revolution, the masses must be resolutely mobilized. The masses themselves must take action to kill the gentry, landlords, and all counter-revolutionaries. Only by ruthlessly exterminating the reactionary elements can the masses be roused to confiscate the landlords' arms and establish Soviet political power and Red Guards led by resolute hired farmhands and poor peasants.