The Fourth Army of the Chinese Red Army (the Zhu-Mao Red Army) Addresses a Letter to the Soldiers of the Nationalist Army June 1st
To the Soldier Brothers in the Nationalist Army!
I. The Guns Have Opened Again!
Once more, war has broken out. On one side, imperialist powers are jointly attacking the Soviet Union (Russia), with Chiang Kai-shek’s army serving as their loyal lackey. On the other, Chiang’s bid for sole control over the central government has sparked resistance from military forces large and small across the country. The former is a conflict between global counterrevolutionary forces and revolutionary forces; the latter is an internecine struggle among Chinese warlords vying for power and territory on behalf of imperialist interests. In either case, the outbreak of war only deepens the suffering of workers, peasants, and soldiers—especially those of you who must directly bear the brunt of this imperialist warfare. Given the gravity of the situation, brothers, think carefully: what path lies open to us soldiers?

II. Listen to the Red Army’s View:
We are the Chinese Red Army. Two years ago, many of our comrades fought desperately and endured backbreaking labor for the Nationalist Revolution, only to be used as cannon fodder by the Kuomintang’s supreme commander, army commanders, and divisional chiefs—both old hands and new recruits alike. Yet the KMT has never honored a single one of the slogans it once put forward in the name of workers, peasants, and soldiers. Instead, it has protected local tyrants and landlords, intensifying oppression against the people. Most heinous of all, it has ruthlessly hunted down and executed leaders of workers’ and peasants’ associations, as well as Communist Party members. It was only when the true nature of this “revolution” was exposed that we, the Fourth Army of the Chinese Red Army, fully understood that the KMT was a counterrevolutionary force. We then joined forces with our fellow soldiers, took up arms, and went into the countryside to join workers and peasants in launching a land revolution. Over the past two years, the counterrevolutionary Nationalist government has repeatedly attacked us with troops from three provinces, yet it has failed to inflict even the slightest damage upon our ranks. Indeed, thanks to the supplies and reinforcements they provided, our ranks have grown stronger. Today, Red Armies have emerged throughout the country, clearly demonstrating that the strength of the worker-peasant masses is steadily increasing. As those who have tasted the bitter cup at the hands of the KMT, we feel keenly the suffering of our fellow soldiers and therefore wish to offer a humble suggestion!

III. Why Should We Support the Soviet Union?
Brothers! First, we must recognize the grave danger posed by imperialist aggression against the Soviet Union to us soldiers. The world is now divided into two camps: on one side stand the imperialist capitalists—Britain, America, Japan, France, and others—who exploit the proletariat and oppress weaker nations. Chiang Kai-shek, having seized Nanjing, has openly surrendered to imperialism. As a member of the bourgeoisie and a military leader, he has become a puppet of foreign imperialists. On the other side is the camp of the proletariat—the Soviet Union and the working people, farmers, and soldiers of various countries. Two years ago, the Soviet people overthrew the tsar and established a government of workers, peasants, and soldiers, sweeping away the rule of the capitalists. Under this system, the working people govern themselves and have achieved genuine freedom and equality. Inspired by the success of the Soviet experiment, proletarian movements have arisen around the globe, uniting under the banner of the Soviet Union. For example, China experienced a great revolution from 1925 to 1927, largely thanks to Soviet assistance. Had the KMT not betrayed the revolution—if the revolution had not been crushed—workers, peasants, and soldiers would already have seized power and established a second Soviet state. Although the counterrevolution succeeded two years ago, the revolutionary spirit has not been extinguished; rather, it is surging anew. This holds true not only for China but for other nations as well. The Soviet Union has become the elder brother of us workers and peasants, leading millions of oppressed people in resisting imperialism and militarism. Faced with this growing threat, the imperialists have been compelled to unite and launch an offensive against the Soviet Union. Under their direction, Chiang Kai-shek has faithfully and vigorously undertaken the task of attacking the Soviet Union, culminating in the recent Middle East Railway Incident. This incident marks the clear beginning of imperialist aggression against the Soviet Union. Once hostilities commence, the imperialists and their Chinese allies will mobilize hundreds of thousands of soldiers to wage war, conscripting ordinary workers and peasants into battle. What monstrous cruelty this would be! Brothers, do not fall for their deception. Stand with the Soviet Union, support the proletarian state, and turn your guns against the Nationalist army!

IV. Let Us Rise Up and Overthrow Our Military Tyrants, My Fellow Soldiers! Second, you must understand that these civil wars only exacerbate the suffering of both soldiers and the general populace. Leaders like Chiang Kai-shek, Feng Yuxiang, Tang Shengzhi, Ma Bufang, Yan Xishan, Zhang Fa-kuo, and Zhang Xueliang constantly shift alliances, sometimes feigning harmony, other times engaging in open conflict. Today it is Nanjing versus Wuhan; tomorrow, Wuhan versus Nanjing. Sometimes Guangdong attacks Guangxi, sometimes Guangxi strikes back at Guangdong. Such conflicts occur several times each year, leaving soldiers utterly bewildered. Each time, tens of thousands of soldiers perish, while the generals, regardless of victory or defeat, invariably seize vast tracts of land—sometimes tens of thousands, sometimes millions. Meanwhile, the civilian population suffers across entire provinces or even the entire nation. But why, pray tell, are these wars waged? Are Chiang Kai-shek, Feng Yuxiang, and Yan Xishan truly representatives of the Kuomintang? Loyal adherents of the Three Principles of the People? Or mere pretenders to revolution? The truth is that they are all impostors. The KMT is nothing more than a military party: its nationalism amounts to subservience to Britain, France, and Japan; its principle of civil rights denies the people any right to assembly; and its emphasis on improving the people’s livelihood merely leads to heavier taxes and levies. The real aim of the KMT is simply to carve up the country, grab land, amass wealth, and serve imperialist interests. Imperialist powers provide the money and weapons, ensuring that these wars can go on indefinitely—and that imperialist domination will never be overthrown.
Brothers, take note: Chiang Kai-shek, Yan Xishan, Feng Yuxiang, and Zhang Fa-kuo are currently locked in another round of fighting over the unequal distribution of spoils following the defeat of the Guangxi clique. This latest conflict will only deepen the misery of soldiers and further oppress the people. Comrades, rise up in opposition! Refuse to fight on behalf of these warlords. Only when soldiers on both sides unite to overthrow their overlords can we forge our own path forward.

The Fourth Army of the Chinese Red Army (the Zhu-Mao Red Army) Addresses a Letter to the Soldiers of the Nationalist Army June 3rd
645. What Is Our Suffering as Soldiers?
Brothers! Third, we must understand the root causes of our suffering and seek a way out. Let me be clear: none of us was born to be a soldier, nor were we destined for such a fate. We became soldiers only because we had no clothes to wear and no food to eat back home—forced into service by dire circumstances. But why did we find ourselves in such poverty? Primarily because imperialism flooded China with cheap foreign goods, driving domestic manufacturers out of business. With no market for their products, countless factories and workshops were forced to shut down, leaving millions of workers and farmers unemployed. Coupled with years of incessant warfare, rampant corruption, the oppressive grip of local tyrants and gentry, and ever-increasing taxes and levies, ordinary people were left with no means of survival. Many had no choice but to enlist. Once in the army, life in the barracks was no less harsh: three drills and two lectures daily, followed by endless punishments—beatings, flogging, confinement, dismissal, even execution—all part of the military’s routine attempts to break our spirits and instill unquestioning obedience. And what about our uniforms?
At most, we received just two sets per year—ill-fitting, tattered garments that drew ridicule whenever we stepped outside. As for bedding? A single, threadbare blanket—too thick for summer, too thin for winter—often riddled with holes. And housing? Officers pocketed repair funds meant for barracks, leaving them in a state worse than a prison cell. Pay remained unpaid for months on end, and rations were often misappropriated, resulting in meager meals of rice and vegetables lacking oil or any nutritional value. This was the reality of food, clothing, and shelter for soldiers. Then came the battlefield, where even a minor injury could mean being sent to a field hospital—a harrowing ordeal indeed. Wounds festering, limbs shattered, spines broken—left lying helpless, unable to move, with no money, no medicine, pus oozing from infected wounds. Better to die quickly than endure such torment. Truly, how unjust it all seemed! How could this compare to the lavish lifestyles of the officers—living in fine houses, playing mahjong, dining on Western cuisine, sleeping in separate rooms with their wives, and hoarding vast sums in bank accounts? Yet, instead of alleviating our hardships, the military deliberately deprived us of basic necessities, all the while telling us, “Don’t worry, there will soon be a battle. When the fighting reaches a major city, you’ll surely come out ahead.” What a cruel deception! By luring us onto the battlefield, they were merely using us as expendable cannon fodder. Many soldiers, hearing of impending combat, eagerly anticipated the chance to plunder and enrich themselves. They rushed headlong into the fray, falling straight into the officers’ trap. Consider this: every time we captured a city, the big stores and banks were already cordoned off and guarded by the very same officers who had led us into battle. Any loot worth having would have gone to those high-ranking officers, while we were left with scraps from small shops and the meager possessions of impoverished civilians—our own fellow countrymen! Moreover, after fighting in dozens of campaigns from Guangdong to Beijing, the outcome was always the same: the strong survived, the wounded were discarded. Tell me, which soldier has ever returned home with any real wealth? The claim that war brings riches is nothing more than a cynical ploy to exploit our desperation. Brothers, do not be fooled! Brothers, remember: we were driven to enlist by imperialist exploitation and the tyranny of local landlords. Even after joining the army, we continued to suffer under imperialist oppression, becoming tools in their hands to oppress our own poor compatriots. Without us soldiers, the imperialists could not carry out their atrocities; without us, the workers and peasants would not be subjected to such brutal exploitation. We ourselves endure relentless oppression, yet are forced to serve as lackeys for those who oppress our fellow sufferers—receiving nothing in return but contributing to the comfort and enrichment of the military elite. Is this not sheer injustice? Is it not utterly unworthy? Must we remain blind to this truth?

VI. What Is Our Way Out?
Brothers, some of us in the Red Army were once as obedient to our superiors as you are today, blindly following orders without question. However, through firsthand experience, we came to see through the dark machinations of the military hierarchy and realized that workers, peasants, and soldiers belong together. It was this understanding that led us to resolutely leave the ranks of the Nationalist army and join the Red Army. Brothers, let us examine the benefits of joining the Red Army.

The Fourth Army of the Chinese Red Army (the Zhu-Mao Red Army) Addresses a Letter to the Soldiers of the Nationalist Army June 5th
VII. The Red Army Is the Army of the Worker-Peasant Revolution 1. The Red Army is the army of the worker-peasant revolution. There is no separation between the Red Army and the masses; when workers and peasants take up arms and form units, they become the Red Army. Conversely, when the Red Army lays down its weapons and returns to the fields and factories, it becomes the working people. Thus, wherever the Red Army goes, the local masses welcome us with feasts, tea, and even the slaughter of pigs and sheep. Local tyrants and landlords flee, while those who remain are fined or brought to trial by workers’ and peasants’ assemblies. All land and property are redistributed through collective decisions made by the masses. In this way, the Red Army and the people unite, divide the land, and establish self-governing bodies, creating a world of genuine freedom and equality. Today, Red Armies exist in Guangdong, Fujian, Jiangxi, Hunan, Hubei, Henan, and Sichuan—entire regions liberated through the organized efforts of workers and peasants themselves!

VIII. The Red Army Is the Soldiers’ Own Army 2. The Red Army is the soldiers’ own army. Despite its official title as the National Revolutionary Army, the KMT remains fundamentally a military organization. Officers hold power, while soldiers are denied any say. In contrast, the Red Army fosters a teacher-student relationship, built on mutual respect and camaraderie. Food, clothing, and shelter are managed collectively by elected representatives chosen from among the soldiers themselves, with supplies provided by worker-peasant governments. Consequently, all members of the Red Army receive equal rations and living conditions; differences lie solely in the tasks assigned, not in social class. Commanders do not beat subordinates, soldiers freely express their opinions, and finances are kept transparent. Every soldier has the right to scrutinize expenditures and demand accountability. The army spends only what is necessary, eliminating the arbitrary rationing and embezzlement common in other forces. Any inequality can be brought to light and addressed immediately. In this sense, the Red Army truly represents the interests of the soldiers and is free from exploitation.

IX. The Red Army Upholds the Communist Party and Joins the Global Revolutionary Movement 3. The Red Army stands in solidarity with the Communist Party and joins the worldwide revolutionary movement. Imperialist forces wield immense power, operating as a global coalition. To effectively challenge them, our own revolutionary movement must likewise achieve international unity. The Communist Party serves as the guiding organ of the global revolution,
with strong organizations established in every country. Joining the Communist Party is essential for the Red Army to coordinate with revolutionary forces worldwide. The Party’s political stances and military strategies are sound and far-sighted. Under its leadership, the Red Army and the worker-peasant masses are sure to advance step by step. At the same time, the Communist Party is not an exclusive club reserved for a select few. It is composed of the bravest and most enlightened among the workers and peasants, bound by strict discipline and dedicated to arduous tasks. Anyone among the workers and peasants—provided they demonstrate commitment to the revolution and perform their duties conscientiously—can qualify for membership. Thus, the Communist Party belongs to the workers and peasants themselves, unlike the KMT, which exists solely to serve the interests of a handful of capitalist warlords and gentry, keeping the broader masses underfoot.

Brothers, it is precisely for these three reasons that the Zhu-Mao Red Army has been able to traverse four provinces, remaining unscathed by counterrevolutionary attacks. This demonstrates that only by joining the Red Army can we gain the support and welcome of the worker-peasant masses, and only by following the guidance of the Communist Party can we avoid going astray and cease serving as cannon fodder for the military elite. Brothers, now that war has erupted—while we workers and peasants continue to suffer under imperialist oppression—it also presents a valuable opportunity for us to unite. Victory for the global revolutionary movement, as well as for the Chinese revolution,
is within reach, depending only on our unity and determination.

X. Come Join the Red Army! Brothers, rise up! Stop being exploited and enslaved by the military elite. Quickly take up your arms and join the Red Army.
The broad masses of workers and peasants, along with Red Armies nationwide, warmly welcome you. Recognize that you come from the ranks of the working-class peasantry. Acknowledge that your true enemy is the imperialist military machine. Understand that workers and peasants are your natural allies. Realize that joining the Red Army is your path to liberation. Escape earthly bondage and ascend to freedom. Act now!

Ten. Our Revolutionary Slogans:
The Fourth Army of the Chinese Red Army (the Zhu-Mao Red Army) Addresses a Letter to the Soldiers of the Nationalist Army June 7th
68
(1) Oppose Imperialist Aggression Against the Soviet Union!
(2) Oppose Civil War Within China!
(3) Unite All Soldiers Nationwide!
(4) Do Not Go to the Front Lines! Do Not Fight for the Military Elite! Do Not Be Used as Cannons!
(5) Demand Back Your Unpaid Rations—Twenty Yuan Per Month!
(6) Workers Shall Not Exploit Other Workers, and Soldiers Shall Not Kill Other Soldiers!
(7) Support the Red Army and Bring Your Weapons to Its Ranks!
(8) Implement Land Reform and Allocate Land to Soldiers!
(9) Workers, Peasants, and Soldiers Shall Unite!
(10) Establish a Government of Workers and Peasants and Overthrow the KMT Regime!
(11) Support the Communist Party and Oust the KMT!
(12) Long Live the Success of the Chinese Revolution!
(13) Long Live the Success of the Global Revolution!
O Four Red Army Documents and Records of the Gutian Conference Fujian People’s Publishing House 1979.12 Selected Historical Materials from the Central Revolutionary Base Area (Part II) Jiangxi People’s Publishing House 1982.5
Land Law 1930.2.7 Chapter One Confiscation and Distribution of Land Article 1 Following an uprising that overthrows the ruling class of tyrants and landlords, all their land, forests, ponds, and buildings shall be immediately confiscated and transferred to Soviet ownership, to be distributed among impoverished farmers and other individuals in need. Even before the establishment of a Soviet government, peasant associations may carry out confiscations and redistributions.
Article 2 If a farmer possesses surplus land, forest, pond, or house beyond personal use, and a majority of local farmers request its confiscation,
the Soviet authorities shall approve the petition and redistribute the excess portion.
Article 3 Members of the families of tyrants, landlords, and reactionaries, if found to reside in the countryside and lacking alternative means of support, may be granted a small plot of land at the discretion of the Soviet authorities.
Article 4 Active Red Army soldiers and those engaged in revolutionary work shall, as a matter of course, be allocated land, with the Soviet authorities dispatching personnel to assist their families in cultivating it.
Article 5 Businesses, schools, and other enterprises in rural areas that can sustain themselves financially shall not be allocated land. Those struggling to make ends meet may be granted a small plot to help supplement their income, according to the Land Law 69
Seven limits.

Article 6 Sharecroppers and vagrants willing to settle down should be allocated land. However, vagrants receiving land must commit to developing the plot responsibly; otherwise, the Soviet authorities reserve the right to reclaim it.

Article 7 Individuals residing outside their home villages shall not be allocated land.

Article 8 There are two standards for determining the area to be distributed:
(1) Based on individual villages, where villagers combine the land they own both within and outside their community and distribute it collectively.
(2) Based on groups of several villages that are closely connected—for example, some may have abundant land while others are deficient. If distribution were carried out village by village, the poorer villages would struggle to survive. In such cases, it is more practical to treat multiple villages as a single unit for redistribution. Both methods are applicable; however, if a particular village requests special treatment, the district Soviet may grant permission to use the second method.

Article 9 Standards for the Amount of Land to Be Distributed:
(1) To satisfy the demands of the majority and ensure that farmers quickly obtain land, the allocation should be based on the total population of the village, averaging equally among men, women, and children.
(2) In exceptional circumstances, with approval from the district Soviet, distribution may be based on labor capacity. Those capable of hard labor shall receive twice as much land as those who are unable to work. (Individuals aged fourteen to sixty who can engage in physical labor are considered one unit.)

Article 10 In order to swiftly dismantle feudal forces, land shall be distributed on the principle of taking from the rich and giving to the poor, rather than adopting absolute egalitarianism and redividing everything evenly.
After the land is distributed, the Soviet authorities shall erect wooden signs in each plot, indicating the amount of produce expected and specifying who is responsible for cultivation.

Article 11 All deeds pertaining to the land of tyrants and landlords, as well as the original communal land records, must be surrendered to the village Soviet or the district peasant association for public destruction. Duplicate copies of land deeds, if requested by a majority of farmers, may also be destroyed.

Article 12 After land distribution, the county or district Soviet shall issue certificates of land ownership to the recipients.

Article 13 In the event of death, relocation, or emigration within the village, the land previously allocated shall be reclaimed by the Soviet authorities and redistributed. New arrivals or returning residents shall be entitled to land, but only after the harvest has been completed.

Article 14 If farmers have already planted crops during a land redistribution uprising, the yield of that season shall belong to the original planter; no one else may lay claim to it.

Article 15 Riverbanks and large-scale ponds that are difficult to divide shall remain under Soviet management, made available for public use, and maintained through collective effort.

Article 16 Large forests that cannot be easily subdivided shall be placed under Soviet administration. When villagers require timber, they may apply for permits according to the following quotas: permits for cutting fewer than twenty trees shall be approved by the village Soviet; permits for twenty to fifty trees shall be reviewed by the district Soviet; permits for more than fifty trees must be approved by the county Soviet.

Article 17 The proceeds from the sale of timber from large forests, after meeting the needs of the community, shall be used to pay off debts. The proportion allocated to each level of Soviet authority shall be determined by higher-level Soviets.

Article 18 Small plots of forestland that are inconvenient to allocate individually may be grouped together by several households, who can then apply to the Soviet for a permit to share the resources and divide the output among themselves.

Article 19 In order to meet the needs of impoverished farmers, all confiscated land shall be fully distributed to them, without reservation. However, a portion of the confiscated buildings may be retained for public use, according to Land Law 71
Article 72 Buildings confiscated from landlords may be repurposed for public services.

Chapter Two Abolition of Debts Article 2 Debt owed by poor farmers to tyrants, landlords, merchants, or small asset holders shall be completely forgiven, regardless of whether the debt notes have expired or not. These notes must be surrendered to the Soviet or the farmers’ association for destruction.

Article 20 Debt owed by tyrants, landlords, and merchants to the state, to poor farmers, or to small asset holders shall be repaid, irrespective of whether it is new or long-standing.

Article 21 Accounts reflecting transactions between poor farmers and merchants—not loans involving exorbitant interest rates—shall still be settled. However, debts unrelated to actual transactions or those that are excessively old shall be waived.

Article 22 Debts incurred by poor farmers through borrowing prior to the revolution shall be fully repaid, partially repaid, or exempted, depending on the specific circumstances and as determined by the district Soviet. Debts contracted after the revolution must be repaid in full.

Article 23 Items and houses pawned by poor farmers to tyrants or unscrupulous pawnbrokers shall be unconditionally reclaimed.

Article 24 Debts arising from pledges made by poor farmers to small asset holders shall be repaid in full or partially, depending on the economic situation of both parties, as decided by the district Soviet.

Article 25 Money lent or borrowed through informal channels—such as loans exchanged between relatives or friends—shall be returned. If a wealthy relative or friend has taken money or goods from a poor family, they must return them. Conversely, if a poor person has borrowed from a wealthy individual, the loan is considered nullified, and no repayment is required.

Article 26 Meetings convened by influential figures to exploit poor farmers shall be banned. County Soviets shall set appropriate interest rates based on local financial conditions, ensuring that they do not exceed the average rates prevailing under normal economic circumstances.

Chapter Three Land Tax Article 28 In order to strengthen the anti-revolutionary regime (for example, by maintaining and expanding the Red Army and Red Guards, and supporting government institutions) and to benefit the masses (such as by building schools, clinics, providing aid to the elderly and disabled, and repairing roads and ditches), the Soviet authorities may levy a land tax on farmers.
Article 29 Land tax may be imposed after the establishment of a Soviet government and once the masses have begun to enjoy tangible benefits, provided it is approved by higher-level Soviets.
Article 30 Land tax shall be collected proportionally based on the amount of land allocated to each individual:
Those allocated five sacks of grain or less shall be exempt from the tax.
Those allocated six sacks shall pay one percent.
Those allocated seven sacks shall pay one and a half percent.
Those allocated eight sacks shall pay two and a half percent.
Those allocated nine sacks shall pay four percent.
Those allocated ten sacks shall pay five percent.
Those allocated eleven sacks shall pay seven percent.
Those allocated twelve sacks shall pay eight and a half percent.
For each additional sack of grain allocated, an extra one and a half percent tax shall be levied.

Article 31 The revenue from land tax shall be distributed among different levels of Soviet authorities as follows:
Land Law 73
Seventy-four percent shall go to the village Soviets, twenty percent to the district Soviets, twenty percent to the county Soviets, and ten percent to the provincial Soviets.

Article 32 Forest products produced locally, intended solely for the consumption of the community, shall be exempt from taxation. If there is any surplus beyond personal use, the excess shall be taxed according to its market value, with rates determined appropriately.

Chapter Four Wages Article 33 Wages for rural artisans and subsistence farmers, which have historically been too low, shall be increased to a reasonable level. The final wage rate shall be determined by the Soviet authorities based on two factors: fluctuations in the cost of living and variations in farmers’ incomes. Decisions made by district Soviets must be approved by the county or provincial Soviets.

Oo Selected Historical Materials from the Central Revolutionary Base Area (Part II) Jiangxi People’s Publishing House 1982.6