In local areas, and particularly within the Red Army, the problem of lumpen elements has become increasingly acute as the struggle has developed. Many comrades have expressed incorrect views on this issue, such as: “Lumpens can fight; we should not exclude them”; “We can accept people from all walks of life—those who break the law can simply be dealt with”; “As long as the officers lead well, the social composition of the troops does not matter”; and “There is no need to crack down on lumpens now; it will be time enough to do so during the general uprising.” Such erroneous statements are frequently encountered in the Red Army. Rooted in the presence of lumpen elements, they give rise to numerous erroneous political and organizational conceptions, including banditry, a purely military outlook, desertion, policies of burning and killing, corporal punishment, punitive disciplinary systems, individual hedonism, personal heroism, factionalism, and extreme democratization—all of which are highly detrimental to the revolution.  Especially at a time when the revolutionary high tide is rapidly approaching and preparations are being stepped up for a nationwide general uprising aimed at securing national victory, if various right-leaning, opportunist lumpen ideologies remain uncorrected and the lumpen element within the ranks is not purged, the future of the struggle will be fraught with grave dangers. Many comrades hold very vague notions about the lumpen class and lack a clear understanding of its nature, making it impossible to formulate an appropriate strategy toward it. Therefore, a detailed analysis of the lumpen class is a prerequisite for determining that strategy.

The origins of the lumpen class lie in semi-colonial China, where the brutal exploitation by imperialist powers led to the ruin of vast numbers of peasants and artisans, creating a huge pool of unemployed people. Yet there was no large-scale national industry capable of absorbing them. With no avenue for legitimate employment, this mass of dispossessed individuals turned into a large contingent of lumpens.

The social occupations and characteristics of the lumpen class: There are roughly thirty types of illicit professions among the lumpen—bandits, thieves, prostitutes, soldier-ruffians, actors, police auxiliaries, gamblers, and beggars. Of these, the first eight constitute the bulk of the group, while the remainder are fewer in number: legal tricksters (10), village watchmen (11), certain intermediaries (except some); those who run opium dens, serve water-pipe tobacco, practice divination, foretell fate, read physiognomy (except some geomancers), perform sleight of hand, peddle counterfeit medicinal plasters, engage in martial arts (except a small fraction), wander as itinerant scholars, work as private detectives, act as child traffickers, belong to the “white-collar” gang, arrange scandalous marriages, traffic in human beings, and monks (except some), Taoist priests (except some), female mediums and sorceresses, and certain religious sects. Today, when we speak of the lumpen class in debate, we should confine ourselves to the categories listed above. On average, they account for approximately five percent of the total population, amounting to around eleven million nationwide. Their defining characteristics are: first, detachment from productive labor; second, irregular and illegitimate occupations sustained through “fraud,” “plunder,” and “begging”; and third, an anarchic, undisciplined way of life.

The organizational affiliations of the lumpen class: In their quest for social survival, lumpen groups have formed various secret societies, such as the Green Gang and the Red Gang along the Yangtze River; the Triads in Fujian, Guangdong, Jiangxi, Guangxi, and Southeast Asia; the Gelaohui in Yunnan, Guizhou, Sichuan, Hunan, Hubei, Shaanxi, and Gansu; the Zhi Gong Tang in Fujian and Southeast Asia; the Fuzi Association in Fujian; the Big Knife Society in Jiangsu, Anhui, Shandong, and Henan; the Zaimihui in the Shunzhi region; the bandit bands of Manchuria; the Red Spear Society and similar organizations throughout northern provinces; the Three United Associations and Heaven and Earth Societies in southern provinces; the Hanliu Society along the shores of Dongting Lake; the Three Parties in Shanghai; the Orchid Society in Nanchang; the Azure Dragon Society in southern Hunan; and the Butterfly Flower-Picking Group in Changsha. These groups go by many different names and exist everywhere, but their organization tends to be loose and fragmented, often retaining a strong feudal character.

The essential traits of the lumpen class are as follows: first, opposition to organization, discipline, and unity—favoring individual freedom; second, a pronounced tendency toward individual hedonism—extensive prostitution, gambling, feasting, and dressing up extravagantly; third, a strong mercenary spirit; fourth, a destructive disposition; fifth, a blurred class consciousness; sixth, hostility toward the masses; seventh, opposition to socialism; eighth, a blind, adventurist approach characterized by widespread burning, killing, and looting; and ninth, a bandit mentality lacking any sense of state power. These nine characteristics of the lumpen class are not isolated but interconnected, all arising from their class position and social occupations.

The lumpen class’s attitude toward the revolution: Based on the foregoing analysis, it is clear that the lumpen class possesses no positive revolutionary potential; on the contrary, it generally exhibits ample counter-revolutionary tendencies. When compelled by circumstances, they may opportunistically join revolutionary ranks, yet they remain inherently unstable and always risk defecting to become tools of the counter-revolution. Once we have grasped the lumpen class’s social standing and its role in the revolution, we can determine how best to deal with it. The Party’s overall strategy toward the lumpen class should be to wrest them away from the ruling class, provide them with land and employment, compel them to work, transform their social conditions, and thereby convert them from lumpens into non-lumpens. Under special circumstances, they may be temporarily utilized to detach them from the ruling-class camp, after which appropriate measures can be taken against them—for example, employing their forces to undermine the ruling class. However, under no circumstances should any concessions be made to the lumpen class politically. Whenever lumpen elements are engaged in counter-revolutionary plots or pose a serious counter-revolutionary threat; whenever they obstruct the mass struggle to such an extent that it cannot advance without their removal; whenever they exploit the banner of revolution to oppress the masses; or when they resolutely aid the ruling class in its relentless suppression of the revolutionary masses, they must be ruthlessly eliminated—striking not only their leaders but, if necessary, entire sections or even the whole lumpen contingent.

The Red Army and the Red Guards are vital instruments through which the revolutionary masses seize and defend state power. However, the current Red Army and Red Guards contain a significant proportion of lumpen elements, who are the most serious violators of discipline. Their interests are fundamentally at odds with those of the broader revolutionary masses. In combat, they often display timidity and reluctance to advance; although they may occasionally exhibit courage, such bravery stems from personal motives rather than from a class-based mission. The adventurism and banditry characteristic of guerrilla warfare are manifestations of their influence. Every instance of soldiers fleeing with their weapons is attributable to them. Unless these elements are purged and replaced by revolutionary workers and peasants, and unless the organization of the Red Army and Red Guards is reformed accordingly, such forces will remain highly dangerous. Only by cleansing them out can the Red Army and Red Guards be made sound and capable of carrying out great class tasks. Moreover, only by eliminating these anti-disciplinary, anti-organizational elements can we more effectively mobilize the masses to join the Red Army voluntarily, thus expanding both its ranks and the scope of the struggle. It is not suggested, however, that all lumpen elements currently serving in the Red Army be summarily expelled within fourteen hours. Some still harbor the illusion that “there remains hope for revolution,” advocating such absurd ideas as “people from all walks of life should be admitted to the Red Army,” “lumpens need not be targeted during guerrilla warfare but only during the general uprising,” “as long as the officers lead well, the social composition of the troops is irrelevant,” and even fanciful notions like “no more lumpens now—nor farmers, nor workers; in the end, only the Communist Party will remain.”  The erroneous political and organizational conceptions spawned by the lumpen element—such as banditry, a purely military outlook, desertion, policies of burning and killing, corporal punishment, punitive disciplinary systems, individual hedonism, personal heroism, factionalism, and extreme democratization—must be vigorously eradicated. At the same time, those comrades whose habits are less steeped in lumpen thinking should receive appropriate education. Within the Party and among the general populace, efforts must be intensified to promote anti-lumpen education and propaganda, fostering a strong anti-lumpen atmosphere. Particularly within the Party, purging the lumpen and overcoming lumpen ideology are paramount tasks in the present struggle to secure leadership of the Red Army. Only in this way can we ensure that the Red Army serves as an instrument of the worker-peasant class, rather than being hijacked by lumpen elements and led astray, thereby jeopardizing the success of the revolution.