--- Notes

My dear Brother,  On November 11, I traveled from Changsha to Wuchang. Here follows a report on various matters.

On November 17, I proceeded from Hankou to Changsha to participate in the Provincial Peasants’ Congress. Within the congress’s Drafting Committee, we deliberated upon and formulated several resolutions. By and large, these resolutions were practical and well-grounded. The congress concluded on November 30. Subsequently, together with Comrades from the District Committee, we organized a short-term training session for the congress delegates. Over three sessions, I delivered lectures on peasant issues and methods of field investigation. Beginning January 4, I went out into the countryside to conduct investigations, continuing until January 5—a total of thirty-one days. During this period, I visited five counties: Xiangtan, Xiangxiang, Hengshan, Liling, and Changsha. In each county seat and among the rural population, I convened inquiry meetings with experienced peasants and comrades active in the peasant movement, gathering a substantial amount of data. What I observed and heard in the rural areas differed markedly from my experiences in Hankou and Changsha, leading me to identify several significant errors in our previous policies and approaches to the peasant movement.  After completing the investigations in Xiangtan, Xiangxiang, and Hengshan, I returned to the District Committee and presented a detailed report to the responsible officials. I also gave one report each at the Party School and the Youth League School. Following further investigations in Liling and Changsha, I again submitted several reports to the District Committee.

The Party has already begun to rectify its earlier mistakes regarding the peasant movement. The key points are as follows:

First, based on the fact that “the peasant movement is thriving,” we should counter the unanimous claim by the government, the Kuomintang, and all sectors that “the peasant movement is in a terrible state.”

Second, affirming that “poor peasants are the vanguard of the revolution,” we must refute the widespread notion that the peasant movement is merely an “agitator’s campaign” or a “campaign of lazy peasants.”

Third, given that no genuine united front ever existed, we should correct the misconception that the Peasant Associations have undermined such a front. Going forward, the issue is not to assign blame for any supposed breakdown of the united front, but rather to assume collective responsibility for building one anew.

Fourth, the peasant movement proceeds through three phases: the organizational phase, the revolutionary phase, and the phase of advocating for a united front. Everywhere, it is imperative to pass through the first phase before advancing to the third; under no circumstances should one attempt to leap directly from the first to the third without first undergoing a vigorous second phase aimed at decisively shattering the authority of the feudal landlords.

Fifth, most counties in central and southern Hunan have already experienced a turbulent second phase—the period of rural revolutionary upheaval—during which villages descended into a state of near-anarchy. It is now essential to promptly establish a democratic system of village self-governance, transforming this anarchic condition into one of organized governance and concretely forging a rural united front, so as to avert the danger of isolating the countryside. Only then can issues such as rural armed forces, food security, education, and infrastructure development be effectively addressed. At present, the most pressing political task in Hunan is precisely the completion of village self-governance; there can be no meaningful discussion of provincial or county people’s councils until this goal is achieved.

Sixth, during the first phase—the period of rural revolutionary uprisings—any action taken by peasants against the feudal landlord class is justified, even if somewhat excessive. This is because only through bold and resolute struggle can the millennia-old power structure of the feudal elite be overthrown and a democratic revolution swiftly accomplished. Corrective measures are necessary, but they must not themselves become distortions. Accordingly, Peasant Associations must not request the government or local defense groups to arrest so-called “troublemakers”; instead, they should adopt the slogan “The Peasant Association will enforce discipline” and undertake the task of purging “a few undesirable elements” from their own ranks. Otherwise, doing otherwise would only demoralize the peasantry while bolstering the landlords’ prestige.

Seventh, regarding the grain blockade issue: in reality, it is the majority of poor peasants who seek to block grain circulation, while only a small minority of rich peasants wish to allow it to proceed. The Peasant Association can only play an advisory role, urging poor peasants to make concessions to the rich. It must not act as a proxy for the rich to oppress the poor. The severity of the grain blockade stems entirely from the absence of effective governance in the countryside, which fails to ensure food security. This is the government’s responsibility, not solely that of the Peasant Association. To restore the flow of grain, new village self-governing bodies must be established without delay to take charge of safeguarding food supplies.

Eighth, various conflicts arising between different social groups—for example, between peasants and workers, peasants and merchants, peasants and educators, peasants and party members, disputes between poor and rich peasants, and confrontations between peasants and the authorities—should all be addressed through appropriate channels and mechanisms. They must not be resolved by hastily invoking overarching slogans. Therefore, it is crucial to promote broader development within the peasant ranks, enabling them to mediate and reconcile these particularly intractable disputes. The current level of development falls far short of what is required to match the pace of the peasant movement; hence, there is an urgent need to significantly strengthen organizational structures among peasants, especially among poor peasants.

Ninth, the peasant question is fundamentally a poor-peasant question, which in turn comprises two core dimensions: the capital question and the land question. Both have long since ceased to be matters of propaganda and have become pressing issues demanding immediate implementation.

Tenth, in many counties throughout Hunan, the peasantry has already completed the democratic revolution at the grassroots level. The revolutionary fervor among poor peasants remains extraordinarily high. Given the present situation, they are acutely eager to advance to the next stage of revolution! According to surveys conducted in Changsha, approximately seventy percent of respondents are poor peasants, ten percent are middle peasants, and another ten percent are rich peasants—all expressing a strong desire to move forward. My own observations confirm that such sentiments cannot be suppressed for long, no matter how hard one tries. Currently, the masses are leaning leftward, yet our Party, in many localities, remains conspicuously out of step with this revolutionary mood—an observation of considerable significance.

Eleventh, therefore, whether in response to the current environment or in preparation for the imminent revolution, our Party urgently requires substantial expansion. At a minimum, the Hunan Provincial Party organization should aim to grow from its current strength of around six thousand members to twenty thousand within six months. Counties where the Peasant Association already numbers over twenty thousand should promptly establish local branches to facilitate this growth.

Twelfth, Honghui represents a significant force; rather than adopting a confrontational approach, we must seek to win over this faction.

Thirteenth, women and children in the countryside are playing an increasingly prominent role. Women, in particular, constitute a formidable force that deserves close attention.  The foregoing thirteen points, along with their detailed rationale, will be set forth in a comprehensive report to be prepared over the next three to four days for your review and subsequent publication in the Party newspaper.