To the Provincial, Special, and Temporary Committees:  The Chinese revolution has now entered a new stage, with the rural revolution as its central focus.
Our comrades, especially those responsible for peasant work, must possess a deep understanding and clear grasp of all aspects of the peasant question.
They should apply the resolution on the land question adopted at the Fifth Congress in concrete terms, so that the Party can effectively lead the peasant movement and advance the revolutionary forces.
Therefore, all comrades are urged to pay close attention to this circular and implement it conscientiously.
The previous Circular No. 5 concerning agriculture was a Politburo resolution on new strategies for peasant work under the Nationalist Government.
However, all localities should take note of it as well, since it reflects the experience of the Hunan–Hubei region.
This present circular, on the other hand, provides an exposition of general national strategies for peasant work, still based on the principles set forth in the Bureau’s resolution.

(1) The Question of Political Power  Naturally, the central issue of the peasant movement is the land revolution.
Yet the land revolution is a process, and at the present stage its principal characteristic is the struggle for peasant political power.

(a) In areas where there are numerous self-cultivating poor peasants who continue to suffer oppression by both old and new warlords, unless the goal of establishing revolutionary popular power among the peasants is clearly articulated, these poor peasants will not be able to emerge as leaders in the struggle.
Nor will they be able to unite the general populace in launching a campaign against the warlords and local gentry.
Moreover, they will remain unable to truly comprehend the aims and significance of the revolutionary wars—the Northern Expedition, the Eastern Expedition, or the Western Expedition.
Only through such a struggle for political power can the land question be brought to a head and a competent authority empowered to resolve it be established.

(b) In regions under the control of the Nationalist Government where tenant farmers and unemployed people are numerous—particularly in Guangdong—it is likewise essential to set this objective when directing uprisings.
Although the immediate priority may seem to be the confiscation of large estates, without the goal of seizing political power, mere resolution of the land question will prove insufficient.
The primary slogan for these areas should be “Seize political power for the sake of the land.”

(c) Under the Nationalist Government, there have already been many counties, districts, and townships where the peasants have in fact attained political power—some of these still persist today.
Previously, however, the Nationalist Government’s policy had been to leave the peasant associations to fight alone; the new policy now actively supports the peasant armies in their resistance.
At present, counteroffensives by the gentry in Hunan, Hubei, and Jiangxi have reached a critical point, threatening to obliterate nearly all the gains the peasants have thus far secured—that is, the de facto popular power they have won.
It is therefore imperative that the struggle for peasant political power be intensified.
In response to the attacks of the gentry, resolute and vigorous counterattacks must be organized.
During the course of this struggle, the confiscation of large estates should begin, thereby providing practical leadership to the petty-bourgeois left wing.
While making concessions to them (as outlined in the two preceding circulars), we should simultaneously enlist their support in a joint front against the reactionary gentry and local tyrants.
To achieve this, the establishment of popular power must remain the overarching objective.
First, in areas where the peasant masses are strong, autonomous preparatory committees should be formed immediately, inviting participation from the petty bourgeoisie.
These committees should declare that, apart from the reactionary gentry, large landlords, and counterrevolutionaries whose property has been confiscated, all small landowners shall enjoy civil rights and the right to vote.
Second, even in regions where the peasant masses are relatively weak, the struggle for political power should nonetheless be pursued.
When engaging in armed struggle, the aim should be to secure rural autonomy and to confiscate the land of those who oppose it.
Peasant associations at all levels should collectively demand that the government promulgate conditions for autonomy.
Third, the Ministry of Agriculture and the peasant associations should maintain close relations, with each responding to the other: the Ministry providing top-down assistance to the associations in their struggle for political power, while the associations, from the bottom up, support the Ministry’s policies through telegrams, complaints, petitions, and the dispatch of delegates.
Such activities will serve to enhance the Ministry’s prestige.

(Appendix) Resolution of the Central Peasant Committee Prior to the Fifth Congress on the Question of Political Power:  We recognize that, within the peasant movement, the poorest peasants are the most revolutionary, and that middle peasants too have joined the revolutionary ranks.
As a result, other oppressed groups have also become increasingly active, striving to fundamentally overthrow the feudal regime.
The peasant movement has now entered a phase in which the establishment of peasant political power must be secured.
This power ought to be held by both poor and middle peasants, though the former should serve as its leaders; otherwise, the power will fail to consolidate.
A leadership headed by the poor peasants should guide and attract those elements among the landlords who oppose the gentry and local tyrants, representing the interests of the peasants and other oppressed rural populations—especially the poor—and meting out severe punishment to the gentry, local tyrants, large landlords, and feudal forces.
At the same time, the rural peasant movement and the associated political power must operate under the leadership of the urban working class, supporting and consolidating the revolutionary Nationalist Government.
The feudal landlord class has, over millennia, been the most oppressive and exploitative force against the peasantry.
Unless its dominance in the countryside is overthrown, no meaningful emancipation of the peasantry can ever take place.
Therefore, in the early stages of the peasant movement, it is essential to lead the peasants, by various revolutionary means, in the overthrow of the feudal landlords’ authority in the rural areas.
The explicit articulation of the goal of securing popular power will inevitably create a highly charged revolutionary atmosphere.
A brief period of terror is absolutely necessary.
Many critics who deem the peasant movement excessive are, in reality, defending the interests of the feudal landlord class and seeking to suppress the rural struggle.
We must rigorously refute such views; otherwise, we shall never succeed in fundamentally shaking the feudal political order in the countryside, securing victory for the struggle, and firmly establishing peasant political power.
When the peasants in the countryside confront the feudal landlords, the peasant association should become the sole authoritative body in the village, fully directing this struggle and completely dismantling all political organizations of the landlord class—such as militia groups, defense leagues, and local security bureaus.
In the course of this process, democratic systems of district and township autonomy should be established to safeguard the peasants’ victory over the feudal landlords.
The peasants must not only attain political power at the village level but also participate in county, provincial, and national politics.
The method for participating in county politics is as follows: first, ensure that all county-level matters are resolved through meetings attended by the county magistrate, the peasant association, and other revolutionary mass organizations; second, promote the transition of the county government to a system of elected representatives.
The peasant association is the organ responsible for creating peasant political power.
It calls upon the Nationalist Government and provincial governments to support the peasants’ struggle for political power.
Throughout this struggle, the political standing and status of the peasant association should be raised to the highest possible level.

(2) Economic Struggle  Where class differentiation is not yet pronounced, tax-reduction campaigns may be conducted jointly with rich peasants and small landowners.
In regions where class divisions are already evident, tax reductions and demands for a unified progressive agricultural tax remain common goals shared by all segments of the peasantry.
These efforts are directed against usury and benefit not only tenant farmers but also all those engaged in the struggle.
Particular emphasis should be placed on rent reduction, which constitutes the initial step toward the confiscation of large estates.
In economic struggles, greater attention should be paid to the interests of young farmers, yet such efforts must not be divorced from the broader consolidation of the economic front.
As for hired laborers in handicraft industries, under the current circumstances it is inadvisable to establish separate organizations for them; rather, the peasant association should vigorously champion their interests.
If the number of hired laborers becomes excessively large and the scope of the peasant economic struggle expands, the association may establish a dedicated department for them (similar to the existing handicrafts division). Nevertheless, care must be taken to strengthen the united front in the countryside.
Accordingly, on the one hand, the demands of hired laborers must be satisfied; on the other, in order to prevent internal conflicts within the association, employers and the general public should be made aware of the necessity of improving the living conditions of hired workers.
When required, the peasant association should serve as an arbitration body in disputes involving small farmers, employers, and hired laborers (including young agricultural laborers and herdsmen). The manner in which economic struggles are conducted varies from place to place.
Under Zhang Zuolin’s rule, the three main lines of struggle were rent and tax reductions, along with the confiscation of large estates; the specific approach should be determined based on the economic conditions prevailing in each province.
The key consideration is to mobilize the broadest possible base of support for these economic campaigns and to ensure that they can swiftly transition into political struggles and ultimately into military action.
The situation under Chiang Kai-shek is similar; however, Guangdong deserves special attention, as it should explicitly adopt peasant political power and the confiscation of large estates as rallying cries for uprisings.
In the provinces of Hunan, Hubei, and Jiangxi, aside from conducting rent and interest reduction campaigns tailored to local conditions, two additional points merit particular notice:

(a) In areas where economic struggles reach a particularly intense level, it is essential to shift focus to construction projects initiated by the peasant associations themselves, such as credit cooperatives, consumer cooperatives, and marketing cooperatives.

(b) With regard to campaigns aimed at abolishing exorbitant taxes and levies, each locality must conduct a thorough investigation of the actual situation and submit concrete proposals to the government.
The issues of land tax and land ownership should be addressed jointly, emphasizing that the problem cannot be solved merely by confiscating the land of large landlords; moreover, after confiscation, a progressive agricultural tax must be imposed on the seized land.
The land question is indeed a crucial issue that cannot be ignored.
Those demanding its resolution include not only tenant farmers and poor peasants but also landless farmers and short-term hired laborers.
Even self-cultivating farmers burdened by excessive taxes and other forms of oppression generally feel acutely the lack of sufficient land.
The fundamental purpose of the peasant movement is precisely to transform the existing land system, enabling cultivated land to be nationalized and put to productive use.
Even in regions where class differentiation remains unclear, we must publicize the platform of the Fifth Congress, so that the peasantry and the general populace understand the necessity and strategy of resolving the land question.
The land question should be integrated with the development of the economic struggle, ensuring that the peasants realize that tax and rent reductions alone cannot bring about a definitive solution; rather, they must advance to the stage of the land revolution, involving the confiscation of large estates.
Small landowners and revolutionary officers must be kept neutral.
The peasants should be encouraged to join forces with the left wing of the Nationalist Party and other oppressed groups to confront the reactionary gentry and large landlords.
Our Party must devote considerable effort to this task at present.
In fact, small landowners and rich peasants are not necessarily aligned with the reactionary gentry, and we must avoid allowing them to fall under the influence of the latter, thereby reinforcing reactionary political power.
Nevertheless, in certain circumstances, while small landowners and members of the middle class may outwardly oppose the gentry, they are, in essence, exploiters of the peasantry.
Consequently, any requests for rent reductions from them should not be met through the exchange of land property.
All nationwide rent reduction campaigns must take this point into account and actively promote the Nationalist Government’s Tenant Protection Law, urging strict enforcement of this legislation wherever it is in effect.
Land redistribution is an urgent manifestation of the poor peasants’ demand to resolve their livelihood problems, originating in campaigns for rent and tax reductions.
However, we cannot permit them to proceed independently.
Although land redistribution is an inevitable stage, given the new developments in the revolutionary movement and the solid united front now established with the petty bourgeoisie, it is feasible to redistribute land obtained through confiscation and then proceed toward nationalization.
Subsequently, the state can initiate reclamation projects to address the land needs of landless farmers and soldiers.
For the time being, however, the existing united front does not constitute a genuine worker-peasant-petty-bourgeois alliance.
The Nationalist Government and its officers still include moderate landlords, and even a small minority of large landowners.
Presently, campaigns to reduce rents and taxes, together with efforts to alleviate the plight of some poor peasants through cooperative arrangements, enlistment in the army, or participation in public works projects, serve merely as preparations for addressing the land question in the future.
Therefore, if there is an urgent need, the peasant association—or preferably the local autonomous government—may establish a land committee to allocate a portion of confiscated public lands, temple properties, abandoned estates, and government-owned land to these impoverished peasants.
However, such allocations should not amount to equitable distribution of property; nor should slogans advocating equal land sharing be prematurely advanced.
The issue of hoarding arises inevitably when famine strikes the countryside, triggering fierce competition and causing economic devastation.
The peasant association, along with any future autonomous authorities, must carefully manage such struggles, preventing their protraction and continuously assessing local grain supplies.
Should surpluses arise, they must be promptly circulated—not only to maintain the united front with the left wing of the Nationalist Party and the urban petty bourgeoisie (as exemplified by the provision of military rations), but also in the interest of the rural economy itself.  (3) Armed Issues  The struggle for peasant political power and the land struggle directly necessitate that our Party accord the utmost attention to the issue of peasant armaments.
The peasant associations should concentrate and seize the weapons belonging to the landlord class, taking every opportunity during anti-warlord campaigns to call upon the peasants to join the fighting, capture enemy arms, and equip the peasant self-defense forces as the revolutionary armed wing of the countryside.
Such operations to seize weaponry should be closely coordinated with the Party’s military strategy.
The peasant movement often escalates rapidly into armed conflict.
Accordingly, military departments in all provinces should dispatch comrades possessing military expertise and experience to train the peasant self-defense forces, equipping them with the capacity for field operations and rapid deployment.
In northern provinces, it is essential to harness the strength and popular support of the Red Spear Society, removing it from the sway of the gentry and placing it under our guidance.
Security detachments should be formed to guard newly established autonomous authorities, implementing a militia system so that every peasant receives military training.
Furthermore, successive waves of arms training and replenishment should be organized.
This is a grave matter, requiring both military and agricultural departments in all provinces to prepare diligently and actively encourage the peasantry to join the army.  (Appendix) Resolution of the Central Peasant Committee Prior to the Fifth Congress on the Issue of Armaments:  (1) All provinces should make concerted efforts to build up peasant armaments and organize self-defense forces.  (2) In addition to firearms, each member of the peasant association should be equipped with shotguns, spears, broadswords, wooden clubs, and other weapons.
Three methods exist for dealing with the armaments of the old landlord class—such as militia groups, defense leagues, and security bureaus:  (a) The government should order all provinces to limit themselves to organizing self-defense forces, dissolving all existing armed groups of the landlord class and turning over their weapons to the self-defense forces.  (b) Whenever the political environment permits, the weapons should be seized by peasant forces.  (c) In regions where the above two measures cannot be implemented, the officials of these organizations should be replaced, transferring control of the weapons from individuals aligned with the gentry to gentlemen and other progressive figures closer to the peasant association.
During this transfer, active engagement is required: within the militia units, political propaganda should be disseminated to reduce their tendency to view the peasants as adversaries and foster sympathy toward the association, gradually facilitating the transfer of weapons to the association.
The National Peasant Association proposes that the Nationalist Government enact legislation governing the organization of peasant self-defense forces.  (5) The Nationalist Government should provide ammunition to all provinces based on the condition of their respective self-defense forces, either free of charge or at reduced prices.  (6) Peasant associations at all levels should establish robust self-defense departments.
Military commissions at the central and provincial levels—those that have not yet done so—are urged to prioritize the issue of peasant self-defense forces and to convene joint meetings with the agricultural commissions when discussing this matter.  (8) Planned and regular publicity campaigns are essential to counter the brutal and unreasonable treatment suffered by the peasants.
They must immediately begin building up their own armaments to ensure the success of the rural revolution.  (4) Organizational Matters  From the outset, the structure of the peasant association inherently carries the character of a political power opposing the old order in the countryside—a fact that warrants the closest scrutiny.
At the inception of the movement, whether in campaigns for rent and tax reductions, interest rate cuts, or armed struggles, the overarching theme has always been opposition to the reactionary gentry and large landlords—essentially, resistance against the warlords.
Although class distinctions may not yet be clearly defined, some gentry members do indeed join the association or the Red Spear Society, collaborating to resist the warlords and local magnates.
However, once the struggle intensifies, these minor gentry figures tend to turn reactionary, prompting us to pivot toward a broader coalition of ordinary peasants, small merchants, elementary school teachers, and others to confront the reactionary gentry and large landlords.
Among the general peasant population, poor peasants naturally occupy the central position, alongside landless tenant farmers, hired laborers, and vagrants.
Therefore, the composition of the peasant association should be centered on the poor peasants.
That said, it must not rely solely on vagrants as its foundation; instead, it should be built around poor peasants who cultivate land as tenants.
In economically backward areas where handicrafts and small businesses are not distinctly separated from agriculture, such elements should also be absorbed into the association.
Middle and rich peasants, meanwhile, need not be excluded—their voluntary participation in the association is often facilitated by the very nature of the struggle.
What is required is for the association’s executive committee to firmly uphold the leadership role of the poor peasants.
Every effort should be made to encourage genuine local farmers to join the association’s governing bodies, the more the better.
Before the establishment of an autonomous government, the peasant association serves as the primary political power in the countryside—an embodiment of the unity of revolutionary elements.
Throughout the process of establishing rural self-governance, it occupies a leading position.
Once the autonomous government is in place, it functions as the core administrative body, effectively guiding the formation of the government.
Through the medium of the peasant association, the Communist Party directs the rural government via the Nationalist Party’s organizational network, thereby expanding the latter’s influence.
In the broader context of China’s political democratization, the peasant association has come to occupy a vitally important position.  (5) United Front Issues  The united front in the countryside should be centered on the poor peasants, led by □-□&□ rich peasants, while also incorporating small merchants, artisans, elementary school teachers, and progressive intellectuals.
Simultaneously, concessions should be made to small landowners and revolutionary officers.
The peasant association must vigorously champion the interests of these allies, leading them in their struggle against large landlords, gentry, and local tyrants.
In northern provinces, particular attention should be paid to guiding rich peasants and intellectuals—such as elementary school teachers—to jointly engage in anti-warlord campaigns.
Under Chiang Kai-shek’s rule, small merchants and intellectuals were susceptible to his temporary allure.
It is therefore advisable to elevate their political and economic consciousness, exposing Chiang’s deceptive tactics and thereby strengthening the peasant struggle’s united front.
In Hunan, Hubei, and Jiangxi, small merchants and intellectuals should likewise be united, standing firmly on the side of the peasants.
Furthermore, publicity regarding the resolution of the land question should be intensified, benefiting not only the poor peasants but also all oppressed groups in the countryside.
Only through a joint offensive against the reactionary gentry and large landlords can their demands be met and their interests protected.
When rich peasants and small landowners remain skeptical, or even fearful, of the rural revolution, it is incumbent upon the central revolutionary forces—namely, the poor peasants—to actively persuade them, leading them through concrete actions to join the revolutionary effort.
However, their interests must be carefully considered; under no circumstances should they be allowed to align themselves with counterrevolutionary forces.
This principle should be especially emphasized in the early stages of the movement in northern provinces.
The peasantry must forge a close united front with the urban working class, establishing tangible, reciprocal relationships and providing mutual assistance during revolutionary struggles—for example, through regular exchanges of representatives, mutual reporting on developments, and practical support for one another.
Both sides frequently spread rumors to sow discord between workers and peasants, whereas in reality they are jointly engaged in exploiting and oppressing the rural labor force.  (6) Secret Societies  Secret societies—such as the Gelaohui—originally arose as organizations through which oppressed classes rose up against their oppressors.
They are characterized by strict discipline, a courageous spirit, and a strong sense of camaraderie in the pursuit of common goals.
However, their modus operandi (mechanical discipline) and nomadic nature often render them vulnerable to exploitation by the gentry.
Within the peasant movement, these organizations have frequently demonstrated significant potential.
Having long endured oppression, they gained political freedom through the peasant association, fostering a deep affinity for it.
The association should therefore strive to incorporate their membership—a measure of paramount importance.
Should the association reject them, they risk falling under the guidance of traditional leaders and being manipulated by landlords into becoming fascists.
We must therefore engage in proactive and effective publicity and training efforts targeting these groups.
At the same time, specific solutions must be devised to address the pressing needs of B-type vagrants in the countryside, as well as to clarify the Party’s platform regarding the national revolution, so that they may understand and embrace the Party’s commitment to representing the interests of the impoverished masses.
The peasant association must refrain from employing any methods or forms of exclusion toward secret societies.
Members of such organizations who demonstrate class consciousness may be recommended for admission to the Party.
Whenever conflicts arise between secret societies and the association, efforts should be made to mediate, and even if it is confirmed that they are acting under duress and engaging in reactionary activities, their leaders should be punished without implicating the broader group, lest this further marginalize the already disadvantaged population and exacerbate reactionary tendencies.
Excessive harshness in targeting individual leaders should likewise be avoided; instead, concrete evidence should be used to expose their crimes and demonstrate their failure to genuinely serve the interests of the peasantry.
The same applies to the Red Spear Society.
We must neither allow it to remain perpetually under feudalistic leadership nor condone its nomadic ideology and policies, which instead guide the association’s activities.
The same holds true for the Red Spear Society.  (7) The Nationalist Party  Historically, peasants have often been reluctant to join the Nationalist Party, as the reactionary gentry frequently exploited its organizational structure to undermine the peasant movement.
Going forward, however, the Party’s branches from the countryside to the cities should actively encourage the participation of the peasant masses.
Our Party exercises leadership over the peasant association and autonomous authorities through the Nationalist Party’s rural branches.
Consequently, the Nationalist Party’s rural branches should serve as the foundation of the Party’s left wing, offering suggestions and urging higher-level Party organs to implement leftist policies and strategies.
As for the Nationalist Party’s agricultural department, first, it should provide material and economic support to the peasant movement from the perspective of the Party.
Second, it should formally offer guidance to the peasant movement, publicizing the Nationalist Party’s revolutionary peasant platform in rural areas.
The Nationalist Party’s agricultural department does not exercise direct subordination over the peasant association; rather, it should strive to integrate the entire system of peasant associations under the umbrella of the National Peasant Association.
Should the Nationalist Party attempt to dictate terms to the peasant association from a superior position, this should not be met with outright opposition.
Instead, the revolutionary nature of its policies should be discerned, and appropriate corrections or encouragement offered.
After joining the Nationalist Party, peasants should pay attention to differentiating between its policies and those of the left wing, thereby advancing their political awareness.
Only in this way can we avoid situations like the present, where some local peasants oppose the Nationalist Party while many others mistakenly believe that all entities bearing the Party’s name are inherently revolutionary.  (8) Development of the Communist Party  First, the Party’s organization should be developed and its influence expanded among the poor peasants.
Above all, Party cells should be utilized to coordinate various peasant organizations.
The planning of peasant work requires meticulous attention; for instance, each county-level agricultural department should formulate at least biweekly plans for peasant activities, while provincial agricultural departments should draw up monthly schedules.
Based on the resolutions of the Fifth Congress and central policies, efforts to secure land must be intensified, naturally through systematic and organized phased planning.  (9) Youth Work  The CY Central Committee has recently reached specific decisions, following review by the CP Central Peasant Committee, details of which are omitted here.  (10) Cooperatives  Cooperatives currently play an extremely important role in the Chinese peasant movement.
By “cooperative,” we do not necessarily mean an organization modeled after Western institutions; rather, it should fulfill its primary purpose of helping poor peasants break free from usurious exploitation, monopolistic profiteering, and other forms of oppression.
Therefore, localities may improve upon existing structures or adapt them to the peasants’ customary practices, without rigid adherence to a single format.
Crucially, personnel capable of managing cooperatives must be cultivated, and a comprehensive study of the peasants’ economic conditions undertaken, followed by the swift establishment of cooperatives to support their economic struggles—especially credit cooperatives.
Appendix: Draft Resolution of the Central Peasant Committee Prior to the Fifth Congress on Cooperatives  1. When, in a city-wide setting, all productive resources are concentrated in the hands of the working class, the establishment of cooperatives can readily lead to a socialist society.  2. Conversely, when, in a city-wide context, all productive power resides in the hands of the bourgeoisie, cooperatives essentially become appendages of the capitalist class.
Politically, the bourgeoisie can exploit them to propagate reformist ideas, thereby deceiving the petty bourgeoisie.
They use the cooperative framework as a pretext, claiming that doing so will eliminate capitalism and abolish the working class’s struggle and class conflict.  3. The progress of the national revolution has brought China to a transitional state somewhere between these two extremes.
Should the revolution ultimately triumph and give rise to a genuinely democratic system, Chinese peasant cooperatives must maintain close ties with the revolutionary government and urban centers, operating under the leadership of the proletariat.
Only in this manner can they help eradicate capitalist tendencies within agriculture while simultaneously alleviating the oppression faced by peasants in class-divided rural societies.
At present, however, as China’s democratic revolution has yet to secure complete victory, cooperative endeavors should proceed as follows:  (a) Utilize cooperatives as powerful economic instruments to resist the oppression of usurious profiteers.
Such economic tools can serve to improve the lives of some poor peasants.  (b) Cooperatives should function as organizational frameworks that guide peasants toward joining the peasant association and participating in rural struggles.  (c) Cooperatives should devote all their efforts to supporting the development of the peasant association.
As vehicles for uniting various peasant groups, they are particularly relevant in rural areas teeming with artisans, whose own aspirations for representation within the association remain limited.
Nevertheless, the concept of a cooperative can inspire broader participation, prompting the association to undertake initiatives promoting rural culture.
Therefore, cooperatives should be established primarily in regions where strong peasant associations already exist, as it is there that the local populace expresses a genuine need for cooperative structures.
In other words, cooperatives should evolve alongside the peasant association, under its leadership.  5. In terms of class positioning, the criteria for recruiting cooperative members should mirror those used by the peasant association, so as to resist and counteract the influence of the bourgeois and oppressive forces in the countryside.
At the same time, although cooperative members are recruited according to the same standards as the association, membership in the cooperative is not restricted to association members alone.
On the contrary, the cooperative must serve as a tool for guiding middle peasants and poor peasants into the association.  6. As the Northern Expedition continued to press against the northern warlords and imperialists encroached upon China (for example, Britain concentrated its forces in Shanghai), cooperatives received scant assistance from the government.
Consequently, their economic operations had to rely entirely on grassroots fundraising.
Therefore, in all public funds available in rural areas, the peasant association should earmark a portion as a cooperative fund.
Under the current circumstances, the cooperatives we seek to establish require minimal funding on the one hand, yet promise rapid results on the other.
One such cooperative is a consumer cooperative.
In townships that produce agricultural goods—cotton, tea, and the like—we may organize trading cooperatives.
The most challenging type to establish for the peasants is a production cooperative, as it demands substantial capital, machinery, and a higher level of cultural sophistication.
All rural infrastructure projects involving land reclamation and dike construction undertaken by the peasantry should be adapted by the association to align with the cooperative model.
In artisanal zones, cooperatives should be organized to facilitate the collective purchase of raw materials and the joint sale of finished products.
These last two types of cooperatives represent the closest approximation to the ideal of a production cooperative.  7. The establishment of cooperative centers in cities or provincial capitals can help farmers procure inputs at lower costs, thereby providing support.
Thus, in industrial areas where one or thirty small cooperatives have already been formed, a larger central cooperative can be established; the same applies to provincial capitals.
San Ren Si An Zhongyuan Zong Rong Ming Yi Li Er Qi Nian Liu Yue Shi Si Ri Ma Ri Shi Bian Zi Liao Renmin Chubanshe Yi Ji Ba San .一一