**Regulations of the Central Peasant Movement Institute
March 1927**

(Special Report by This Newspaper) The Central Peasant Movement Committee, tasked with planning the advancement of the national peasant movement, convened its first meeting at Nanyang Building. It resolved to change the Peasant Movement Institute for the three provinces to be run directly by the central authorities, expanding the enrollment quota by 200 students. This situation has already been reported in this newspaper. The key resolutions passed at the first meeting and the regulations of the Central Peasant Movement Institute are now separately recorded below:

(Resolutions)

1.  The Preparatory Committee of the Peasant Movement Institute reported on the preparations.
2.  In accordance with the central resolution, the Peasant Institute for the three provinces shall be expanded into the Central Peasant Movement Institute. The regulations were amended and adopted based on the Peasant Movement Institute regulations.
3.  The first term of study at the Central Peasant Movement Institute is set at four months. (Passed)
4.  Regarding the responsible persons for the Institute, according to the new regulations, Comrades Deng Yanda, Mao Zedong, and Chen Kewen are nominated as members of the Standing Committee.
5.  Comrade Zi Zesheng proposed that due to practical needs, the enrollment quota for the first term of the Institute should be increased by 200 students beyond the originally planned 600 students. (Passed)
6.  The allocation of the additional 200 student slots and the corresponding budget shall be drafted by the Standing Committee in a plan and reported to this Committee for a decision.
7.  The Institute's funding, set at 5,100 yuan per month starting from February, shall be obtained from the Central Standing Committee. The funding for the newly added 200 student slots shall, after the budget is approved, still be requested from the Central authorities for allocation.

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**Regulations of the Central Peasant Movement Institute, 193**

**Chapter I: General Principles**
Article 1: This Institute is established by the Central Party Headquarters and is named the Central Peasant Movement Institute.
Article 2: The purpose of this Institute is to cultivate practical personnel for the peasant movement who deeply understand the Party's doctrines.
Article 3: The recruitment quota for students of this Institute shall be determined based on the developmental needs of the peasant movement in various provinces across the country. The specific quota for each province per term shall be decided by the Central Peasant Movement Committee.
Article 4: The funding for this Institute shall be borne by the provincial Party headquarters of the provinces sending students, based on the student quotas. Any shortfall shall be allocated by the Central Party Headquarters.
Article 5: This Institute is established in Wuchang.

**Chapter II: Course Disciplines**
Article 6: The prescribed courses are listed below. They may be appropriately increased or decreased when necessary.
1. The Three Principles of the People; 2. History of the Kuomintang; 3. Kuomintang Manifestos and Resolutions; 4. Imperialism and China; 5. History of Social Evolution; 6. History of China's National Revolutionary Movement; 7. Brief History of Revolutions in Various Countries; 8. Political and Economic Conditions of China; 9. Political and Economic Conditions of the World; 10. Fundamentals of Economics; 11. Fundamentals of Politics; 12. Fundamentals of Law; 13. The Chinese Workers' Movement; 14. The Peasant Question; 15. Theory and Strategy of the Peasant Movement; 16. The Peasant Movement in China and Its Trends; 17. State of Peasant Movements in Various Countries; 18. Rural Self-Governance; 19. Rural Education; 20. Rural Cooperatives; 21. Resolutions and Manifestos of the Guangdong Provincial Peasant Representative Congress; 22. Resolutions and Manifestos of the Hunan Provincial Peasant Representative Congress; 23. General Agricultural Knowledge; 24. Peasant Organization and Propaganda; 25. Peasant Self-Defense; 26. Rural Survey, Statistics, and Reporting; 27. Revolutionary Songs; 28. Revolutionary Painting; 29. Military Training (instruction and drill).
Article 7: The duration of each study term shall be decided by the Central Peasant Movement Committee.

**Chapter III: Administrative Organization**
Article 8: This Institute is managed by the Central Peasant Movement Committee, which shall mutually elect three members to form the Standing Committee.
Article 9: The Institute shall establish an Academic Affairs Office, a Training Office, and a General Affairs Office. Each office shall have one director responsible for managing its respective affairs, appointed by the Central Peasant Movement Committee. Each office may employ administrative staff based on the complexity of its tasks. Matters related to Party affairs shall be handled by the Training Office.
Article 10: Each office shall establish a committee to assist the director in carrying out its affairs. The composition is as follows:
1. Academic Affairs Committee: Formed by the Director of the Academic Affairs Office and a number of instructors and officers.
2. Training Committee: Formed by the Director of the Training Office and a number of instructors and officers.
3. General Affairs Committee: Formed by the Director of the General Affairs Office and a number of general affairs staff.
Article 11: The detailed operational rules for each office and committee shall be formulated separately.

**Chapter IV: Supplementary Provisions**
Article 12: If any additions or deletions to these regulations are necessary, they shall be drafted by the Central Peasant Movement Committee and submitted to the Central Party Affairs Committee for approval and implementation.

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**199**

Comrades, compatriots: Our Central Peasant Movement Institute holds its opening ceremony amidst the revolutionary high tide of continuing the Northern Expedition. This holds truly extraordinary significance, a significance so great it is practically equivalent to taking an oath for the Northern Expedition. Because the goal of the National Revolution is to overthrow foreign imperialism and eradicate domestic feudal political forces. Feudal political forces refer to the warlords and the landlord class, tyrannical gentry and evil gentry. We know that the warlords and tyrannical gentry are the two hands of imperialism. With these two hands, imperialism can sell its foreign goods to the maximum extent and buy raw materials at cheap prices, thereby exploiting the vast peasant masses of China. If the vast peasant masses cannot rise up and form a great force of struggle, then the Chinese Revolution is impossible. In other words, without summoning the vast peasant masses to rise up and carry out a rural revolution, the foundation of imperialism in China cannot be eradicated. Therefore, the peasant question has become the central issue of the National Revolution, a revolutionary issue that no one can afford to ignore. The immense importance of the peasant question is such that today, no one has the courage to deny it. Whoever opposes the peasant movement is a counter-revolutionary. Because of the peasant question, the Chinese Kuomintang must purge the Right-leaning elements within the Party who compromise with the imperialist armies and sabotage the policy for workers and peasants. To resolve the peasant question, we must continue the Northern Expedition and expand the rural revolution. The mission of the Central Peasant Movement Institute is to train a body of talent capable of leading the rural revolution—people who possess a profound understanding, detailed research, and correct methods for resolving the peasant question, and who are tempered with the determination to carry out the peasant movement. After a few months, they will all go to the countryside, summon the vast peasant masses to rise up, carry out the rural revolution, and overthrow the feudal forces. The Central Peasant Movement Institute can be called the great headquarters of the peasant revolution. Today's opening can be considered our taking of an oath. From today onwards, we are resolved to struggle and sacrifice for the peasants. Apart from the peasant movement, there is no second path for us. Yet, for this weighty work, this weighty movement, all revolutionary people bear responsibility and are connected to it. On this path of struggle, we earnestly hope that the revolutionary masses from all walks of life will give us sincere guidance. We must shout: Expand the rural revolution! Purging all counter-revolutionary factions! Long live the liberation of the peasants!

*Special Commemorative Issue for the Opening of the Central Peasant Movement Institute*
*Declaration on the Opening of the Central Peasant Movement Institute*
**199**

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Comrades! Why have we come here? What is our purpose? What is our responsibility? Our purpose in coming here is not like that of those entering ordinary middle schools or universities; our responsibility is naturally different from theirs. Therefore, all aspects of our life after entering the Institute cannot be the same as theirs.

Comrades! What is our purpose? What is our responsibility? Are we not members of the 320 million oppressed, impoverished peasant masses living under colonial rule? Is not our sole path to survival to awaken these vast oppressed peasant masses and rise up in resistance against our enemies—the imperialists, warlords, corrupt officials, tyrannical gentry, and evil gentry? Apart from revolution, apart from risking our lives against our enemies, what other way out do we have? Therefore, the sole purpose of us coming here is to study the theory and practice of revolution. Our responsibility is to awaken these vast peasant masses, lead them in rising up, overthrow our enemies, and relieve the suffering of the peasant masses.

However, we must also understand the condition of our enemies. For thousands of years, they have occupied a position of superiority in society. In other words, they have been a ruling class, an oppressor class for millennia. Their foundation is extremely stable. They have their own organizations, they possess abundant economic capacity, ferocious armed forces (soldiers and police), and they have laws, customs that protect the interests of the privileged class, and the entire feudal system serving as their talismans. Because of this, they are not easy opponents. Over the past two years, in Guangdong, Hunan, Hubei, and various northern provinces, enormous conflicts and massive bloodshed have occurred in the countryside. As a result, although we, the peasant masses, have made much progress, our sacrifices have truly been immense. This is proof enough that our powerful enemy is not easily defeated. Furthermore, many flaws have simultaneously appeared within our own lines of battle, flaws sufficient to diminish our fighting capacity. The peasant lifestyle is quite scattered. Thousands of years of living in the old ways have instilled in them a dependency mindset of indifference to politics, only hoping for a true-sent emperor to appear and save them. Their concepts of locality and family/clan lineage are deeply ingrained. All the vices of feudal society, due to the needs of the feudal landlord class, have swelled and developed, settling upon the peasants. Now, to get the peasants to rise up and resist their deeply entrenched, powerful enemies is indeed easier said than done. Even we ourselves—are we not people who have emerged from feudal society? Have we been able to completely escape the influence of the feudal system? Although we are now determined to serve as the revolutionary vanguard of the peasant class and sacrifice everything for the peasants' interests, we have nevertheless brought with us not a few poisonous germs from the old society. These germs have the potential to hinder our progress at any time and place.

Comrades! What are these poisons we have brought from the old society? Are we not accustomed to a life of individualistic romanticism? Do we not somewhat dislike being interfered with by the group? Do we not dislike an orderly and disciplined life? Among our ranks, many cannot help but frequently use the terms 'freedom' and 'equality' to cover up all their faults. These people like to worship heroism and enjoy individual free activity. All their actions and criticisms often stem from their own individual person as the starting point; personal interests and relationships often act as the commander following behind them. Their eyes often only see relationships between individuals, failing to see the masses and objective facts. Such people are most likely to become idealists, often spouting various theories of conscience and morality.

Comrades! Many of us originate from the petty propertied class, so all the maladies of the petty bourgeoisie are prone to gather upon us. Are the aforementioned flaws not things we frequently commit? These flaws are the most capable of hindering our revolutionary work. Although we are young people with fervent revolutionary spirit, we still, to some extent, cannot avoid these flaws acting up within us. Much of the current counter-revolutionary force arises from these feudal systems, feudal ideologies, and habits. Recently, our Party exhibited a tendency toward individual dictatorship, with old, decaying, corrupt elements causing trouble within. A large part of the reason for this lies in the existence of these feudal systems, feudal ideologies, and habits.

Comrades! Our enemies are so fierce and solid, and our responsibility is so great. Unless we painstakingly sweep away these flaws brought from the old society, we are even more likely to become backward elements and inevitably face the danger of deviating to the Right.

Comrades! By coming here, negatively speaking, we must sweep away these flaws we brought from feudal society; positively speaking, we must learn the theory and practice of revolution. Only thus can we transform ourselves into an excellent and effective tool of revolution, achieving our purpose and fulfilling our responsibility.

Comrades! To facilitate our training within the Institute, both negatively and positively, into good revolutionary tools, we should strive according to the regulations stipulated below. We must not regard these regulations as ordinary school rules. They are a necessary method to enable us to become good revolutionary Party members. We have all discussed these articles and expressed our opinions; they are all deemed necessary by us. Moreover, after final decision and promulgation, they have become the discipline of this Institute. We must unanimously obey them because this discipline is formulated for our own benefit, that is, for the benefit of the revolution. This discipline is a conscious discipline, the sole method that enables us to learn the theory and practice of revolution and become good revolutionary Party members! For the sake of collectivization and discipline, in addition to obeying the Party's disciplinary orders, we must obey the rules and orders of this Institute. Apart from what is stipulated in this covenant, all temporarily issued rules and orders, whether oral or written, shall be uniformly observed.

(2) Students of this institute may fully express their personal opinions on all internal matters; however, to avoid impulsive behavior and unnecessary disputes and conflicts, they should not casually launch attacks or publicly voice dissatisfaction, whether verbally or in writing.

We should, from a revolutionary standpoint and in the interest of the entire institute, present our opinions in writing or orally to those in charge, requesting a response or action.

Before a reply is given, all existing arrangements and orders must not be violated.

(3) The staff, faculty, instructors, and students of this institute must adopt an attitude of mutual respect in order to achieve meaningful training.

(4) Whether toward comrades of our Party or non-comrades, a thoroughly sincere attitude must be maintained; ridicule, abusive cursing, physical assault, and anonymous attacks are strictly prohibited.

(5) In order to correct unrestrained individual activities and to prepare for the future development of peasant armed forces, strict military training must be undertaken. Everyone must deeply understand the significance of this. To assume that this is an attempt to interfere in our lives through military force, and to refuse such strict military training, indicates a lack of sincerity toward the revolution and an unwillingness to become a true revolutionary Party member — this is a gross mistake.

(6) To cultivate group activities, one must sacrifice personal prejudices and submit to the decisions of the group. Opinions may be fully expressed before a resolution is passed, but once a decision is made, it must not be deliberately opposed or violated.

(7) Students of this institute are preparing to join the poor peasant class, and therefore they must practice a life of enduring hardship and toil.

(8) In the daily life of the institute, punctuality regarding the prescribed timetable must be strictly observed.

(9) Except on Sundays or official holidays, leave must be requested for any outing. Leave requests shall generally be made at the General Brigade Headquarters, and in special cases at the Academic Affairs Office; only with permission may one leave the premises.

Except in special circumstances, whether leave is granted shall be determined based on whether it interferes with academic study.

(10) Quiet and order shall be maintained in all places, including classrooms, dormitories, dining halls, and bathrooms.

(11) Institute property must be used with care and shall not be damaged at will.

(12) Violations of this code shall be subject to the following seven categories of disciplinary measures, depending on the severity of the offense:

(1) Admonishment (2) Warning (4) Prohibition of outings on Sundays (5) Assignment to labor service (7) Order to withdraw from studies (8) Petition to the Party headquarters for expulsion from the Party.