(1) The Rationale for Opposing the Rich Peasants First, the rich peasants constitute a semi-feudal and capitalist element in the countryside; they belong to the exploiting class.
They support feudal forces while aspiring to become capitalists, standing in complete opposition to the interests of the working class, the hired laborers, the poor peasants, and the middle peasants.
To safeguard the interests of these groups, we must oppose the rich peasants.
Second, the rich peasants are an exploiting class.
They frequently collude with reactionary forces to undermine the revolution.
If we are to consolidate Soviet power and ensure the success of land distribution, we must resolutely oppose the rich peasants.
Third, the rich peasants are following the capitalist road, whereas we are advancing along the socialist path—these two paths are diametrically opposed.
To carry the revolution forward toward socialism, we must intensify the struggle against the rich peasants.

(2) Errors in the Past Campaign Against the Rich Peasants In our previous campaigns against the rich peasants, four major mistakes were made.
First, the criterion for action was not exploitation itself; instead, opposing the rich peasants was treated merely as a means of raising funds.
Rather than basing our approach on exploitation, we adopted a monetary standard: those possessing less than one hundred yuan were spared, while those exceeding that amount were targeted.
This pecuniary yardstick was exploited by local thugs, leading in some areas to the persecution of individuals who had saved as little as ten or twenty yuan or even kept a breeding sow.
Such practices engendered widespread panic among the masses, who began to believe that the revolution aimed at impoverishing them rather than improving their lives.
Second, the interests of the middle peasants were violated.
This second error arose directly from the first: because the campaign was framed solely as a fund-raising exercise and not as a struggle against exploitation, it inevitably encroached upon the rights of the middle peasants.
The middle peasants cultivate enough land to meet their own needs, neither subjecting others to exploitation nor engaging in exploitation themselves.
Far from being oppressed, they should be closely united with us in our common struggle against the rich peasants.
For the middle peasants, only a proletarian-led revolution offers a way out; only by rallying them can we strengthen the revolutionary forces and accelerate the revolution’s progress.
Third, the land of the rich peasants was not thoroughly redistributed.
In many areas, land was simply reallocated by taking from the surplus and giving to the deficit, without addressing the disparity in soil fertility.
As a result, the rich peasants retained control over the best arable land, forests, houses, ponds, and other valuable assets, which remained undivided.
Consequently, the rich peasants maintained an economic advantage and gained political leadership.
Soviet governments and revolutionary organizations came under their influence, enabling them to exploit and oppress the poor and lower-middle peasants through their combined political and economic power.
Fourth, the masses were not mobilized.
Since the campaign was viewed as a government-driven effort to raise funds and no thorough redistribution of land was carried out, the people failed to recognize the counter-revolutionary nature of the rich peasants.
Without mass participation in the struggle against the rich peasants, the government became isolated from the populace.

(3) The Correct Approach to Opposing the Rich Peasants A. Political Measures 1. Consolidate Proletarian Leadership.
The Soviet government, the Red Army, the Red Guards, and all revolutionary organizations must bar the rich peasants from serving as members of Soviet executive committees or delegates to Soviet congresses.
Instead, leaders drawn from among the workers, hired laborers, poor peasants, and the most active elements of the middle peasantry should be elected to deliberate and administer affairs.
Furthermore, associations of poor peasants should be established to unite this broad stratum with the middle peasants in a solid alliance against the rich peasants.
All instances of past violations of the middle peasants’ rights, including fines imposed upon them or contributions extracted from them under duress, must be rescinded.
We must reject the arbitrary punitive policies of thuggish elements who act outside the class framework and alienate the masses.
Any recurrence of such abuses shall be met with firm resistance. 2. Suppress Counter-Revolutionary Activities by the Rich Peasants.
As an exploiting class, the rich peasants will invariably employ various tactics to oppose and sabotage the revolution.
Therefore, within Soviet territories, vigilance against their counter-revolutionary activities must be maintained at all times.
Should any evidence emerge of their collusion with White Bandit gangs or other counter-revolutionary organizations to plot subversion and destruction of the revolution, the authorities must prosecute them strictly as counter-revolutionaries.
Rich peasants may continue to engage in business and operate enterprises only so long as they comply with all Soviet decrees and refrain from plotting or undertaking any counter-revolutionary schemes.
B. Economic Measures 1. Combat Exploitation by the Rich Peasants.
At present, our aim is not to eliminate the rich peasants but rather to resolutely oppose all forms of their exploitation.
Their exploitative practices exacerbate the suffering of workers, poor peasants, and other toiling masses.
Rich peasants may hire laborers, provided they treat them in accordance with labor protection laws; no mistreatment or oppression is permitted.
They may also engage in commerce, as long as they do not resort to monopolistic practices, price gouging, or usury.
These more practical measures should be formulated by the county governments, preferably through county representative assemblies, tailored to local conditions.
This strategy does not seek to eradicate capitalists altogether but aims to curb their ruthless exploitation, thereby fostering a more dynamic and vibrant economy.
As for occasional donations required from the rich peasants, these should be levied only when absolutely necessary for the revolution and based on their ability to pay.
It is important to emphasize that we are not currently advocating the complete economic elimination of the rich peasants.
Regarding their land holdings, however, it must be equitably redistributed. 2. Implement Economic Policies.
The aforementioned measures to restrict the exploitation of the rich peasants remain largely negative in character.
Relying solely on such negative measures is insufficient; we must also implement positive economic policies tailored to local conditions to actively counter the rich peasants.
For example, the government could lead the people in establishing credit cooperatives to provide low-interest loans to impoverished communities, production cooperatives to develop agricultural output, and trade cooperatives to reduce exploitation by merchant-rich peasants.
These organizations represent a proactive form of resistance to the rich peasants’ exploitation.
Through them, vast numbers of poor and lower-middle peasants can achieve genuine liberation, paving the way for the economy to advance along a socialist trajectory.
Having pointed out the errors of past campaigns against the rich peasants and clarified that our current stance does not call for their elimination, we reiterate that this is no time to relax our efforts.
On the contrary, all comrades must clearly understand the strategic importance of opposing the rich peasants and intensify their struggle accordingly.
As we refine our tactics, we must guard against the infiltration of hidden agents loyal to the rich peasants and their sympathizers, who seek to weaken our anti-rich-peasant campaign.
Moreover, the rich peasants must not be allowed to use any pretext to oppose the government.

Issued by: Chairman Xiang Ying, Vice Chairmen Mao Zedong and Zhu De