—•()—Since the First National Congress issued the Party’s Declaration and Platform, clearly setting forth the goals and methods of the National Revolution, both within and outside the Party there has been a marked shift in public opinion.
Outside the Party, the masses have gradually come to understand that the Party’s aim in leading the National Revolution is to overthrow international imperialism and all its appendages, and to fight for the interests of the people.
Consequently, the masses have moved from their former attitude of suspicion toward the Party to one of support.
Within the Party, this common goal and common method have brought all members together, aligning their aspirations and systematizing their work.
Those who harbored personal goals and methods, being incompatible with the Party’s collective objectives and approaches, have gradually been weeded out, thus exerting a powerful educational influence.
However, in the realm of propaganda, over the past two years the Party has still not succeeded in deeply penetrating the ranks of the working class, peasantry, and small merchants—the vast majority of the national population—with its revolutionary goals and methods.
Nor has it yet established a concrete plan for educating Party members to achieve their revolutionary transformation; these constitute the Party’s shortcomings.
The Congress believes that, going forward, the Party’s propaganda work must urgently rectify these deficiencies.  (2) Over the past two years, in the course of various major national events, the Party’s propaganda has consistently adopted an offensive stance, explaining the significance of each event to the general populace.
Examples include the incident involving the recovery of the Canton Customs, the Shamian Strike, the Merchant Corps Incident, the Sino-Soviet Agreement, the Anti-Chihli War, the Campaign to Promote the National Assembly, the Memorial Movement for the Premier, the May Thirtieth Movement, the Canton–Hong Kong General Strike, the Liao Case, the National Government’s suppression of counterrevolutionary elements, and, most recently, the Anti-Fengtian War.
In each instance, the Party seized the opportunity to launch extensive propaganda campaigns, exposing the crimes of imperialism and its instruments—the warlord-bureaucrat comprador class—while pointing out a path forward for the people.
Moreover, political education within the National Revolutionary Army and joint wartime propaganda efforts involving both military and civilian sectors have yielded particularly significant results.
The Congress holds that, in all future national events, the Party should make full use of every available opportunity: on the one hand, to expose the conspiracies and atrocities of all reactionary forces; on the other, to articulate the Party’s principles and policies, thereby increasingly radicalizing the oppressed masses across the country.
For the Party’s principles and policies to truly take root among the people, it is essential to intensify propaganda efforts in connection with local or nationwide events large and small that directly affect the people’s interests.
As for political propaganda within the armed forces, it is of paramount importance and should be further expanded in the period ahead.  (3) Over the past two years, imperialism has propagated two slogans—“Anti-Communism” and “Red Imperialism”—mobilizing its agents in China—the bureaucratic-warlord comprador class, local tyrants and gentry—as well as various futile political factions such as the Anfu clique, the Research Clique, the Federalist Party, and the Nationalist Party—to wage a campaign of vilification and slander.
The aim is to disintegrate the revolutionary united front at home and abroad; through such counterrevolutionary propaganda, they seek to reveal to the people the falsehoods and errors underlying these attacks, while simultaneously persuading them that the success of the revolution depends on broadening and consolidating this united front both domestically and internationally.  (4) Furthermore, the lack of a clear command structure for propaganda work, the unsound state of the Party press, the neglect of oversight functions, the uneven distribution of propaganda materials, the inadequacy of rural propaganda, and the absence of a systematic plan for internal Party education—all these have been shortcomings over the past two years.
Going forward, they must be thoroughly corrected in accordance with the new propaganda plan.