Written Propaganda[1]

1. Daily Newspapers

(a) Party-run:

(1) Shanghai Republican Daily — formerly the private newspaper of Ye Chucang and others. After the First National Congress, it was taken over by the Party, which provided tens of thousands of yuan for its expansion, and subsequently allocated monthly operating funds of 2,500 to 3,000 yuan. However, from the beginning, it could not be regarded as a genuine Party newspaper, as its commentary and reports were replete with absurdities. After the Xishan Conference, it became a mouthpiece of the reactionary faction.

(2) Guangzhou Republican Daily — originally run by the Guangzhou Municipal Party Headquarters, it was taken over in October of the 13th year [of the Republic, i.e., 1924] and placed under the management of the Central Propaganda Department. Its circulation rose from over 1,000 copies to over 11,000 copies.

(3) Guangzhou National News — originally a mouthpiece of the reactionary faction, it was taken over by the Central Propaganda Department and turned into a Party newspaper after the Liao [Zhongkai] incident. When the Guangdong Provincial Party Headquarters was established, it was transferred to the Provincial Headquarters' management. At present, it publishes over 7,500 copies daily.

(4) Xiangjiang Morning Post — was for a period taken over and run by the Party. Later it defected to the enemy party and has now ceased publication.

(5) Hong Kong News — from July of the 13th year [1924], it broke away from its ties with Chen Jiongming and fell under the guidance of our Party. Banned by the Hong Kong government when the strike commenced. Before its suspension, its circulation reached over 8,000 copies, mainly distributed overseas, with Hong Kong secondary.

(6) Beijing Minbao — closed down by Zhang Zuolin soon after its launch.

(b) Daily newspapers run by individual comrades or under the name of social organizations—survey incomplete, not listed.

(c) Numerous daily newspapers, large and small, run by overseas Chinese Party headquarters—survey incomplete, not listed.

2. Weekly Publications

(a) Party-run:

(1) Kuomintang (KMT) of China Weekly — run by the Central [Executive Committee] after the First National Congress; publication ceased soon after.

(2) Guangzhou Republican Daily once had eight affiliated weeklies focusing on Literature, Science, Studies on Sun Yat-sen Doctrine, Economics, Common People, Agriculture and Women, and Film and Pictorials, but publication ceased soon after.

(3) Party Voice Weekly — administered by the Central Propaganda Department. Initially affiliated with the Guangzhou Republican Daily, later became independent, but publication still ceased soon after.

(4) Review of Reviews — administered by the Propaganda Department of the Shanghai Executive Committee after the First National Congress. Affiliated with the Shanghai Republican Daily for distribution, publication ceased soon after.

(5) Science, Common People, and several other weeklies affiliated with the Shanghai Republican Daily all ceased publication shortly.

(6) Zhejiang Weekly — run by the Zhejiang Provincial Party Headquarters after the First National Congress; publication ceased soon after.

(7) Xinmin Weekly — run by the Hunan Provincial Party Headquarters after the First National Congress; publication ceased soon after.

(8) Chinese National — published by the United Association of District Party Headquarters in Shanghai after the Xishan Conference. Chief purpose is to counter the rhetoric of the Xishan Conference and the right wing. Now changed to a tri-weekly publication.

(9) Wuhan Review — administered by the Hubei Provincial Party Headquarters, published continuously without interruption.

(10) Political Weekly — published in December of the 14th year [1925], administered by the Central Propaganda Department. Distribution: 40,000 copies per issue. Purpose: to smash the counter-revolutionary propaganda in the North and along the Yangtze River.

(b) Weekly and bi-weekly publications run by the various armies and military academies in Guangdong, such as:

Huangpu Tide of the Huangpu Military Academy

Revolution Bi-Weekly of the Second Army

Army Voice of the Fourth Army

Humanity of the Hubei Expeditionary Army, etc.

(c) Publications hosted by comrades under the name of social organizations. Quite numerous. For example:

Publications of student groups exist everywhere, such as Chinese Students, etc.

Publications of worker groups, such as Workers' Road, etc.

Publications of peasant groups are few in number, with a modest presence in Guangdong.

Publications of military groups, such as Chinese Soldier, Revolutionary Army, Young Soldiers' Union Weekly in Guangdong, and New Navy in Yantai, etc.

Publications of women's groups, roughly four or five nationwide.

Periodicals published by other groups.

3. Monthly Publications

Two years ago, there were New Construction and New Republic, both of which ceased publication soon after. Currently, only Chinese Peasantry, administered by the Central Peasant Department, exists, having just began publication.

4. News Agencies

(1) Central News Agency — directly managed by the Central Propaganda Department. Its work has achieved considerable success and it has been operating for two years.

(2) Several other affiliated news agencies.

5. Books

(1) Central: Approximately thirty titles published by the Central Propaganda Department (including twelve titles concerning Mr. Sun [Yat-sen], such as the Three Principles of the People and the Fundamentals of National Reconstruction; eleven titles concerning other comrades, such as Collected Lectures of Mr. Wang [Jingwei]; about five titles compiled by the Central Propaganda Department). A total of 393,959 volumes were distributed. However, distribution was concentrated in the Guangdong region.

(2) Localities: Unclear, no statistics available.

6. Leaflets

(1) Central: The Central Propaganda Department distributed a total of eighty-three types of leaflets. Nevertheless, distribution occurred entirely within the Guangdong region.

(2) Localities: Unclear, no statistics available.

7. Slogans

(1) Central: On the streets of Guangzhou, the Central Propaganda Department, in collaboration with the Guangzhou Public Security Bureau, produced two types of slogans: one type was nailed to telephone poles, and the other was written on walls. Both drew their content from the Manifesto of the First National Congress and the testament of Mr. Sun [Yat-sen].

(2) Various Armies: The First, Second, Third, and Fourth Armies of the National Revolutionary Army, the Navy, the Huangpu Military Academy, and the military officer schools attached to the Second and Third Armies, managed by their respective Political Departments, published a great variety of slogans, which were numerous and highly effective.

(3) Various Public Organizations: Peasant associations and labor unions in Guangdong printed and distributed quite a large amount.

Pictorial Propaganda

1. Significance of Pictorial Propaganda

Over ninety percent of the Chinese population is illiterate. Only a small portion of the national citizenry can receive our Party's written propaganda. Pictorial propaganda is therefore particularly important.

2. Achievements Made

(1) Central: Implementation only began in April of last year. Very little was done, and it was concentrated in the Guangdong region. Divided into the following three categories:

(a) Weekly supply of four small satirical cartoons to the Guangzhou Republican Daily (occasional disruptions);

(b) Issue one propaganda poster each week (occasionally issued every two or three weeks);

(c) Printing of small photographs of Mr. Sun Yat-sen and Mr. Liao Zhongkai.

(2) Various Armies: The Political Departments of the various armies did quite a significant amount of pictorial propaganda. Especially during wartime, many posters were displayed wherever the troops passed, exerting a great influence on the people.

(3) Various Public Organizations: The workers' and peasants' associations in Guangdong produced a considerable amount of pictorial propaganda, which was most effective in stirring the worker and peasant masses. A small amount also existed in Beijing and Shanghai.

Oral Propaganda

1. In terms of both volume and effectiveness, oral propaganda occupies a significant position within propaganda work.

2. Convening meetings of peasants, workers, soldiers, and students, and delivering speeches with diverse content at such meetings constitutes regular oral propaganda.

3. Delivering various speeches during various political upheavals or demonstrations constitutes ad hoc oral propaganda. The Central Party Headquarters has organized propaganda teams several times. Large-scale, organized propaganda in various provinces and ports was carried out extensively during and after the May Thirtieth Movement.

4. Responsible comrades delivering political and Party affairs reports at membership meetings constitutes education for comrades within the Party. The Central Party Headquarters regularly does this at the Premier's Memorial Week.

Propaganda During Fourteen Important Events Over the Past Two Years

1. The Reorganization of Our Party — Issued declarations and political programs, openly proclaiming resistance against imperialism and its appendages. Its results:
(1) Enabled the populace to recognize our Party and our Party's aims, altering their previously skeptical attitude toward our Party. Had an immense effect on external propaganda.
(2) Unified goals and methods within the Party, leading to the gradual purging of those harboring individual or minority faction goals and methods. Proved highly effective for education within the Party.

2. The Recovery of the Guangdong Customs Incident — Anti-imperialist propaganda. Imperialism clearly turned against our Party, and our Party clearly opposed imperialism; had a great impact on propaganda.

3. The Shameen Strike — Anti-imperialism.

4. The Merchant Corps Incident — Made the populace recognize the crimes of the comprador class. However, our Party's propaganda during this incident was weak, whereas the counter-revolutionaries' propaganda attacking our Party was carried out with great vigor.

5. The Sino-Russian Agreement — From then on, countrymen understood the distinction between imperialist and anti-imperialist nations in the international arena. Anti-imperialist alliances sprang up in Beijing and everywhere. The slogan "Oppose Imperialism" began to be accepted by the populace. Our Party issued a declaration concerning this.

6. The War Against the Zhili Clique — The populace lost faith in powerful warlords. Mr. Sun [Yat-sen] issued a Northern Expedition declaration.

7. The Premier's Journey North — Issued the Northward Journey declaration. Proposed two slogans: "Convene a National Assembly" and "Abolish the Unequal Treaties."

8. The Campaign to Promote a National Assembly — Opposed Duan Qirui, causing the populace to completely reject Duan's Rehabilitation Conference. Simultaneously, deepened the populace's understanding of our Party's political propositions. The two slogans "Convene a National Assembly" and "Abolish the Unequal Treaties" penetrated deeply among the populace during this campaign.

9. The Memorial Campaign for the Premier — Made the populace recognize Mr. Sun, our Party, and our Party's goals. This memorial campaign was remarkably widespread, reaching even remote rural backwaters, thereby causing the two slogans "Convene a National Assembly" and "Abolish the Unequal Treaties" to penetrate even more deeply among the populace. At this time, our Party issued a declaration severing relations with Duan Qirui.

10. The May Thirtieth Movement — Unprecedented anti-imperialism. During this movement, specific content regarding the abolition of unequal treaties was put forward: such as the recovery of concessions, recovery of customs, recovery of judicial rights, and the withdrawal of foreign troops and naval forces stationed in China. The populace thereby recognized what unequal treaties were. This movement failed under the high-pressure suppression by Fengtian clique warlords. Yet one achievement remained: the workers of Shanghai and Hong Kong rose up. This was extremely effective in terms of propaganda, as the rural peasant masses became broadly aware that our Party had issued declarations supporting the populace's resistance against imperialism.

11. The Liao [Zhongkai] Case — The populace recognized the brutality of imperialism and its appendages. Our Party conducted quite a considerable amount of propaganda through memorial services, written materials, pictures, and drawings.

12. The War Against the Fengtian Clique — Made the populace clearly understand the relationship between imperialism and its tools, the Chinese warlords, and clearly recognize the rapid collapse of those warlords. During this war, the populace felt a sense of approaching revolutionary success. In the anti-Duan movements across various regions, slogans directly clashing with local warlords were raised, such as "Expel Duan Qirui" among Beijing's populace, "Expel Wu Peifu" in Wuhan, and "Overthrow Zhao Hengti" in Changsha. This changed the previous peaceful attitude of avoiding direct confrontation, creating revolutionary tension unprecedented in intensity.

13. The Anti-Christian Movement — Over the past two years, anti-Christian organizations and propaganda have spread nationwide, making the populace recognize imperialism's religious aggression.

14. Peacetime Political Education and Wartime Political Propaganda in the Army — The political education conducted by our Party in the Huangpu Military Academy and the National Revolutionary Army created anti-imperialist military forces; the propaganda promoting army-civilian unity during each military campaign in Guangdong made the army cherish the people, and the people support the army. This matter can indeed be considered a major success for our Party.

The Enemy's Propaganda

Part of our propaganda effort must necessarily address the enemy's propaganda head-on. Let us now examine the enemy's counter-revolutionary propaganda over the past two years.

1. Imperialism: Over the past two years, as our Party's anti-imperialist propaganda has advanced particularly vigorously, the imperialists' slanderous and attacking propaganda against our Party has also been particularly fierce. They consequently put forward two slogans—"Anti-Communism" and "Red Imperialism"—mobilizing their tools in China—bureaucrats, warlords, the comprador class, and local bullies and evil gentry—to attack our Party. Foreign newspapers in Hong Kong, Shanghai, Tianjin, Beijing, Fengtian, and Hankou, along with foreign news agencies, have resorted to every conceivable means of rumor-mongering, slander, provocation, and character assassination.

2. Warlords of Various Factions: All domestic warlords, large and small, unanimously echoed and amplified the two slogans ("Anti-Communism," "Red Imperialism") issued by imperialism.

3. The Comprador Class: Their counter-revolutionary propaganda work mirrors the above, but they exert more effort than any other counter-revolutionary faction in propaganda. The Hong Kong Industrial and Commercial Daily and the Shanghai News can be considered representative.

4. The Research Clique: Upholding the interests of bureaucrats and large landlords, their counter-revolutionary propaganda work mirrors the above. The Shishi Xinbao and the Chen Bao can be considered representative.

5. The Anfu Clique: Representing Japanese imperialism, their counter-revolutionary propaganda work mirrors the above. Uses the Xin Shen Bao as its mouthpiece.

6. The Federalist Clique: Upholding the interests of bureaucrats and landlords, their counter-revolutionary propaganda work mirrors the above. The Chung Hwa Sin Po is its mouthpiece.

7. The Nationalist Clique: Having borrowed some patterns from Western nationalism, they uphold the interests of small landlords and the Chinese-capital industrial and commercial bourgeoisie. Extremely fervent in "Anti-Communism" and "Anti-Soviet Russia." The Xing-shi [Awakened Lion] Weekly is their representative.

8. The KMT Right Wing: Since the Xishan Conference, the right wing of our Party has also adopted the two slogans "Anti-Communism" and "Anti-Soviet Russia," joining the attack alongside all the aforementioned counter-revolutionary factions and adopting a hostile attitude toward our Party. The Shanghai Republican Daily is their representative.

Over the past two years, amidst the confrontation between revolutionary propaganda and counter-revolutionary propaganda, revolutionary propaganda has indeed assumed an offensive posture. This offensive posture was particularly evident during the May Thirtieth Movement. Counter-revolutionary propaganda, on the other hand, has throughout remained on the defensive. Only when unable to parry did they raise the two shield-slogans of "Anti-Communism" and "Red Imperialism." This phenomenon of confrontation between offense and defense is the result of the Chinese revolutionary forces' growing unity and advancement on one hand, and the increasing vacillation and collapse of the counter-revolutionary forces on the other.

Shortcomings

The propaganda work of the past two years has revealed the following shortcomings:

1. Party newspapers are not robust.

2. Propaganda guidance on important events is not agile, and often fails to be fully carried out.

3. A command structure is completely lacking; communication between the Propaganda Departments of higher and lower Party headquarters has totally broken down. A situation has arisen where everyone fights independently, and many Propaganda Department heads consequently neglect their duties.

(4) The duty of prosecutorial correction was completely neglected;

(5) The thorough collection of propaganda materials and their supply to lower-level party branches were entirely unexecuted;

(6) Systematic party education was virtually non-existent;

(7) There was a bias towards urban residents and a deficiency towards peasants;

A bias towards written texts and a deficiency towards pictorial illustrations;

The above were the greatest shortcomings in our Party's propaganda work in the past, and each of them should be rectified going forward.

— *Political Weekly*, Combined Issue No. 67, Guangzhou Political Weekly Publishing House, April 10, 1926