[The following continues from the road]
Oo Political Weekly, Issue 2 Guangzhou Political Weekly Office January 25, 1925 . December 12, 1925


In 1925, on December 12th, the revolutionary spirit of Dr. Sun Yat-sen is revered not only by the Chinese people but by oppressed peoples worldwide. Only the ruling classes of imperialist nations and warlords despise him. During the Russian Revolution, when imperialist powers colluded with White Army counter-revolutionaries like Denikin, Wrangel, and Kolchak to launch attacks from all sides, Russia faced a crisis strikingly similar to that which Guangdong experienced just two months prior. At that time, Dr. Sun sent a message of encouragement to Lenin. According to Comrade Borodin, the Soviet representative, speaking at a banquet hosted by the American League on November 11, 1925, Lenin and his colleagues were deeply grateful upon receiving a telegram from Dr. Sun urging them to persevere amidst this life-or-death emergency. When Dr. Sun was forced to flee to Shanghai after Chen Jiongming’s rebellion, his position was extremely precarious. Nevertheless, the Soviet Union dispatched Comrade Yue Fei to Shanghai to express solidarity with Dr. Sun and to explore possibilities for joint action to overthrow imperialism. This marked the beginning of a grand Sino-Soviet alliance. Indeed, today the primary enemy of oppressed peoples everywhere is imperialism. To defeat imperialism, revolutionary forces around the globe must unite and fight as one; otherwise, they stand no chance of success. It is precisely here that China needs the Soviet Union, and vice versa.  In Beijing, Shanghai, and other cities, some educated individuals have been agitated by the idea of allying with Russia, simply because they fail to grasp the current global landscape of the revolutionary versus counter-revolutionary struggle, nor do they understand the strategic significance of the Nationalist Party’s revolutionary policy. The establishment of the Sun Yat-sen University in Moscow reflects the Soviet people’s admiration for Dr. Sun’s revolutionary spirit. The university was founded to provide in-depth study opportunities for young Chinese revolutionaries committed to Sun’s principles, with the aim of cultivating future leaders of the national revolution. According to reports from Moscow, Dr. Sun’s two major works on the Three Principles of the People have already been translated into Russian by scholars there. The university is currently actively preparing for its opening, and based on current projections, it is expected to yield highly promising results. The chairman of the university’s board of trustees is the renowned Dr. Yue Fei, who previously served as the Soviet Union’s representative to China. Other members include the university’s president, Latu; Pravda editor-in-chief Bukharin; Madame Krushayeva; Tomsky, chairman of the All-Union Central Council of Trade Unions; and several other prominent figures. Numerous organizations and individuals in both China and the Soviet Union have contributed financially, ensuring ample resources for the project. President Latu has stated that the university’s mission is to nurture social leaders. Its core courses will cover modern economic thought, contemporary world history, the course and significance of the Russian Revolution, and a specialized curriculum dedicated to the Chinese national revolutionary movement. Faculty members will primarily adopt a research-oriented teaching style, encouraging students to conduct independent studies and produce original works on political, economic, and social issues, publishing their findings in leading newspapers and journals.

Regarding student enrollment, the initial quota is set at 500, with 150 places reserved for Guangdong province. The Nationalist Party’s Political Committee has so far selected 147 students from a pool of 1,030 applicants through written and oral examinations, admitting only those who excel in both components. The names of the admitted students are listed below: Liang Fuwen, Liang Ganqiao, Zhong Shutang, Huang Yongwei, Zhu Guozhen, Qu Jiuxian, Zou Shitian, Lin Yihuan, Liu □zhu, Bai Yu, Guo Mingsheng, Zhu Rui, Xie Zhenhua, Long Qiguang, Chen Fu, Chen Biguang, Lin Aimin, Deng Gongwu, Miao Renheng, Zhong Jiben, Tang Xuexhai, Liang Shaoqiang, Liu Ma’ou, Huang Gantang, Zheng Zhongmin, Lin Xia, Lin Xiewen, Ye Enpu, Zhou Xueltou, Liao Huaji, Shao Yechang, Wu Zhongliang, Huang Fa, Li Linfang, Tao Neganeyu, Feng Decong, Zeng Liangchen, Chen Zhengye, Xu Kang, Shen Yuanyuan, Feng Shengnan, Chen Zaoshin, Yang Huabo, Zhang Minquan, Zhai Rongji, Lin Shushan, Lin Daowen, Li Wenda, Zhen Zhaoquan, Dong Liangshi, Zheng Qi, Dong Zhengxing, Li Wen’guan, Huang Dajun, Dong Yuyu, Han Liang, plus Zheng Jiemin, Yang Jiateng, Liang Zhenyang, Tang Juncui, Zhi Wenyi, Ma Wei’yu, Liu Muqiang, Xu Ying, Li Huifang, Ruan Chi, Zhang Renquan, Huang Zhongli, Cen Yanzao, Zhang Shu’an, Zeng Shang Huang Yimin, Xiao Haoye, Jun Hao, Liu Dayuan, Li Yanliang, Huang Yonghong, Huang Ju, Huang Wenjie, Zhang Xing, Liu Fuxin, Fang Tanluoying, Wang Zhihong, Wu Lu, Zhang Yinlan, Lu Najie, Deng Hanzhong, Zheng Renbo, Ao Kai Zhong Kunyu, Feng Jiefen, Wei Bihui, Liu Manshu, Huang Dingxin, Zhou Ai Zhao, Yu Kuaiwen, Huang Yi Bai, Xiao Aixian, Kang Ze, Luo Derong, Wu Su, Wang Guangyue, Wan Xu, Ru Zhang Yuanliang, Li Guanying, Zheng Guochen, Peng Wenchang, Wang Jiaoyuan, Chen Shengfu, Zhang Yuanyou, Deng Dunhou, Xu Junhu, Lang Dai Yu Chu Fan, Li Kunpeng, Peng Taogao, Gao Yang, Zhen Zao, Hu Mingle, Zhou Yongnan, Gao Yunshang, Cai Ri Qiu, Ju Shi Yuan, Chen Hai Zhou, Pan Xinwei, Duan Ping Wang Zuocai, Wu Guo Qian, Wu Jun Shi, Chen Zhi Lu, Huang Changguang, Wen Zhong Lai Fang Geng, Chen Xian Shang. The above totals 140 individuals, with seven names still pending verification.

As for gender, place of origin, and age, the Political Committee has compiled the following statistics: (1) Gender: 139 males, 8 females. (1) Province: 71 from Guangdong, 18 from Hunan, 10 from Jiangxi, 7 from Yunnan, 7 from Sichuan, 5 from Jiangsu, 5 from Hubei, 3 from Zhejiang, 3 from Guizhou, 1 from Fujian, 1 from Jiangsu, 1 from Shandong, 1 from Shanxi, and 3 with unspecified origins. (3) Age: 36 under ten years old, 86 under fifteen, 110 under thirty, with five remaining unclassified. (4) Marital status: 45 married, 96 unmarried, and 6 unreported. (5) Occupation: 55 from academia, 7 from education, 1 from journalism, 1 from agriculture, 7 from other fields, and 10 unclassified.

The students are currently preparing to depart for Russia in several groups, with the first group scheduled to board a ship within days bound for Vladivostok. Each student must carry 150 yuan for travel expenses, of which 100 yuan will be subsidized by the Nationalist Party, leaving 50 yuan to be covered independently. In recent days, various gatherings have been held to bid farewell to the new cohort, organized by the New Students Association, the Guangdong Provincial Committee of the Nationalist Party, and other groups. The National Government has also convened a special meeting for the students. During this gathering, Wang Jingwei delivered a brief address, making three agreements with the students: (1) With regard to conditions in Guangzhou, the government will provide weekly or biweekly updates to those studying in Russia, and he hopes the students will likewise keep everyone informed of their situation back home. (1) Chinese students at Sun Yat-sen University must unite and remain steadfast in their commitment to Sun Yat-sen’s principles. (3) Concerning preparations for their journey to Russia, each student should designate a few representatives to liaise directly with the authorities, ensuring timely communication of relevant information to all classmates.

At the same event, Comrade Borodin delivered an extended speech explaining the purpose of Sun Yat-sen University. He noted that science, when wielded by imperialists, becomes a tool for oppressing weaker nations, whereas in the hands of those nations, it can serve as an instrument of liberation. Universities in the United States and Germany, he argued, function as propaganda organs for imperialist regimes. By contrast, the goal of Sun Yat-sen University is to enable ordinary students to fully comprehend Dr. Sun’s ideals and thereby contribute to the completion of China’s national revolution. The full text of his speech is reproduced below: “I am deeply honored to participate in this ceremony today. You are about to travel to Russia to study at Sun Yat-sen University. Whether we meet again in Moscow or only after your return to China remains to be seen. However, this is not the first time Chinese nationals have gone to Russia since the Russian Revolution. That revolution occurred eight years ago, and many Chinese traveled there then as well. Some even joined the revolutionary forces, dedicating themselves wholeheartedly to the cause. Many of them made great sacrifices for the Russian Revolution. When you arrive in Russia, you will see the graves of Chinese martyrs who fought for the Russian Revolution, reminding you that countless Chinese comrades once devoted themselves to that struggle. Their contributions greatly influenced the Red Army. The press has documented these events, noting that the Soviet government relied heavily on Chinese personnel in establishing various institutions. For example, when the Eastern University was founded in Moscow, it coincided with a period when peoples of the East sought self-liberation through revolutionary movements. At that time, World War I had not yet ended, and although European powers claimed to support national self-determination, the outcomes often proved deeply disappointing. Many peoples realized that the promises made by the imperialist powers were mere lies, leading them to turn away from the Paris system and embrace Wilsonian principles, ultimately joining the ranks of the Bolsheviks in Russia. Those who rejected the Paris system and headed to Moscow did so despite the stark differences between the two environments. Let us compare them briefly. Paris at that time had coal, bread, and beef, while Moscow lacked all three. On one hand, Paris offered material comforts; on the other, Moscow presented relentless cold, hunger, and meager rations of black bread and watery soup. Around the time the Eastern University was established, countless people from Egypt, China, Persia, Korea, and other nations came to study in Moscow. Why would they endure such hardship when they could easily pursue their education in Europe or America, where living conditions were far more comfortable? The answer lies in their desire to study revolutionary theory and gain practical experience in revolutionary work. Equipped with such knowledge and experience, they hoped to return home and help liberate their own countries. Thus, by satisfying their intellectual hunger, they were able to withstand physical deprivation. Subsequently, the situation in Russia gradually improved, and counter-revolutionary elements were eliminated. With obstacles removed, development proceeded smoothly, and everyday problems were resolved. Coal, bread, and even beef became readily available, surpassing the provisions found in Paris, and living conditions greatly improved. Yet, this material progress should not lead us to forget the spirit of revolutionary struggle. In any large organization, it is inevitable that some members will deviate from the correct path. However, the vast majority of revolutionaries continue to uphold that spirit and persistently advance the revolutionary cause. Now, alongside the Eastern University, we have the establishment of Sun Yat-sen University. What is its purpose? How exactly is it structured? Given the limited time available today, I cannot provide a detailed explanation. You will undoubtedly gain a clearer understanding upon your arrival in Moscow. For now, let me offer only a general overview. Western countries generally welcome students who wish to study abroad, asserting that science knows no borders and transcends partisan divides—that it belongs to all humanity. But is this truly accurate? In reality, these are merely empty slogans propagated by imperialists. We believe that science can be used for both good and evil. In the hands of imperialists, it serves to oppress weaker nations; in the hands of those nations, however, it can become a tool for liberation. Furthermore, we maintain that every educational institution ultimately functions as a propaganda organ for a particular class or faction. Columbia University in the United States, funded by banker Morgan, certainly does not allow us to use it as a platform to criticize the interests of banking capital. Similarly, the University of Chicago, supported by the Standard Oil Company, would never permit us to challenge the policies of corporate monopolies. Many universities in the United States are closely tied to capitalist interests. The same holds true for German institutions, as well as for British schools. Imperialists exploit educational institutions as instruments of their own propaganda, whereas we need schools that can serve as platforms for disseminating the ideas of the national revolution. Each school is, in essence, a tool designed to achieve specific objectives. So what, then, is the purpose of Sun Yat-sen University? It aims to help ordinary students grasp Dr. Sun’s principles and carry forward his legacy, thereby contributing to the completion of China’s national revolution. Graduates of this university will be able to replace foreign-educated students who have studied at imperialist institutions, taking on the responsibility of transforming Chinese society. Currently, many overseas students lack a clear understanding of how to effect such transformation. In the future, however, when you return from Russia, you will possess the revolutionary methods necessary to resolve China’s pressing social problems. After all, only a revolutionary approach can truly solve China’s challenges. Therefore, it is crucial that you approach your studies with the unwavering spirit of a revolutionary, diligently pursuing theoretical knowledge and practical experience. Upon your return home, you will be able to apply what you have learned to realize our shared goal of liberating China. Although this monumental task will undoubtedly present numerous difficulties, it is one worth overcoming, for our objective—the ultimate liberation of the Chinese nation—is the most noble of all. You are the ones who will strive for the national revolution. The destiny of China rests in your hands. You are the leaders of the Chinese national liberation movement. I wish you every success!”  On December 12, 1925, the Shanghai-based Republic Daily, led by the Nationalist Party’s right-wing faction represented by Ye Chuchen and others, declared itself an organ of reaction starting from November 10—the very day it published a communiqué announcing the right-wing Beijing conference. The paper proclaimed its departure from the revolutionary Nationalist Party, its alignment with imperialist warlords, and its transformation into a propaganda outlet for those very warlords. Such a reactionary stance is hardly surprising, given that the newspaper had originally been a private publication owned by Ye Chuchen and associates. Though it was nationalized after the First National Congress last year, it had never truly served as a legitimate mouthpiece of the Nationalist Party. Time and again, it refused to publish or deliberately edited out anti-imperialist and anti-warlord articles deemed “too radical,” systematically whitewashing the actions of warlords while completely ignoring the Nationalist Party’s revolutionary strategies. During last year’s Jiang-Zhe War, the newspaper entirely abandoned its nationalistic stance, becoming a mouthpiece for Lu Yongxiang’s Anfu clique. When Nanyang Tobacco Company subjected thousands of workers to exploitation and displacement, the paper lavishly advertised the company’s claims of justified treatment while refusing to report or severely censoring news about worker grievances. During this year’s May 30th Movement, its anti-imperialist propaganda fell far short of that produced by more serious investigative publications. In recent months, as Guangdong witnessed vigorous anti-imperialist and anti-warlord campaigns aimed at purging counter-revolutionary elements, the newspaper consistently avoided covering such important developments, instead filling its pages with military reports favorable to Sun Chuanfang. All of these instances clearly signaled the paper’s reactionary tendencies, and revolutionary-minded party members had long been dissatisfied with its performance. The declaration of “official reaction” merely formalized what had already been evident. Since officially proclaiming its reactionary character on November 10, the newspaper has incessantly launched attacks against leftist forces—a role it seems destined to play. Without such attacks, it could not claim the status of a right-wing organ, nor could it seek recognition from the Shanghai Municipal Council and Duan Qirui’s administration in Beijing as a counter-revolutionary publication, thus failing to achieve its reactionary objectives. We believe the Republic Daily’s shift to reaction is entirely justified. This fact underscores the strength of the Nationalist Party’s left wing, highlights the vigorous development of China’s anti-imperialist and anti-warlord movement, confirms that the revolutionary and counter-revolutionary camps have now entered a direct confrontation, and suggests that the success of China’s national revolution is drawing ever closer. In present-day China, neutral parties and neutral publications are rapidly being forced to choose a side—either joining the revolutionary camp or aligning with the counter-revolutionaries. The gray mask of neutrality can no longer be maintained. Understanding this dynamic helps explain why the Republic Daily has turned reactionary, why newspapers like the Morning Lion Weekly have recently intensified their attacks on both the Nationalist and Communist parties more fiercely than before, and why the Nationalist Party’s right-wing leaders feel compelled to convene in Beijing at this juncture to oppose the Central Executive Committee and the National Government led by leftist figures in Guangzhou.  Regarding the Republic Daily, the Nationalist Party’s Central Executive Committee has already resolved to dispatch investigators to examine the matter and to issue a circular to party organizations at all levels, explicitly denouncing the newspaper’s reactionary behavior. The text of the circular is as follows: Sent to No. 8 Cuigahua Hutong, Beijing, and forwarded to party branches in Zhili, Shandong, Henan, Shanxi, Shaanxi, Chahar, Suiyuan, Rehe, and Harbin; to the Jiangsu Provincial Committee on Wangzhi Road in Yongjili, Shanghai; to the Zhejiang Provincial Committee in Hangzhou; to the Hunan Provincial Committee in Changsha; to the Jiangxi Provincial Committee in Nanchang; to the Hubei Provincial Committee in Wuchang; to the Sichuan Provincial Committee in Chongqing; to the Fujian Provincial Committee in Xiamen; to the Guangxi Provincial Committee in Nanning; to the Guangdong Provincial Committee in Guangzhou; as well as to party committees at all levels, and to newspapers in Beijing, Tianjin, Shanghai, Hankou, overseas branches, and to all comrades: The Shanghai Republic Daily has recently been taken over by reactionary elements, engaging in absurd discourse that blatantly violates party principles. An investigation has been initiated. The Central Executive Committee of the Nationalist Party of China hereby notifies you. O.T.