Why publish the Political Weekly? For the sake of revolution.
Why revolution? To liberate the Chinese nation, to establish people’s rule, and to secure economic well-being for the people.
In pursuing revolution, we have antagonized every enemy—the imperialists of the entire world; the Research Clique[3] and all the major warlords; the comprador class and local tyrants and gentry in every region; as well as the Anfu clique[2], the Federalist faction[4], the Nationalist Party[5], and all other reactionary political groups.
As our revolutionary forces have grown, these enemies have intensified their oppression against us, mobilizing every resource at their disposal in a bid to annihilate us. They command foreign and domestic navies, armies, and police forces; they control vast international propaganda networks (such as Reuters); and they dominate the national press and educational institutions. Though they may clash among themselves over conflicting interests, none harbors any goodwill toward us.


Our work in Guangdong has ushered in a new era following the suppression of Yang and Liu[6] and the purge of Zheng and Mo[7]. For the first time in fourteen years, Guangzhou has enjoyed unprecedented peace; the people genuinely enjoy freedom of assembly, association, speech, and strike. The Eastern Expeditionary Force has refrained from conscripting labor; gambling has been abolished in Guangzhou’s markets; military and administrative authority throughout the province have been unified; fiscal power is gradually being centralized; some of the most oppressive taxes inflicting hardship on the populace have already been abolished, with plans in place to eliminate the remainder; and reform-oriented policies have been established across civil administration, the judiciary, education, and transportation. The remnants of counterrevolutionaries along the Bei River, Dong River, and southern routes have been successively purged. We have steadfastly supported striking workers by mounting a large-scale blockade of Hong Kong in defense of the patriotic labor movement.


We make no secret of our shortcomings. We do not claim that Guangdong has already been transformed—its transformation has only just begun. There remain numerous bandits who disrupt public order, many local tyrants and gentry who exploit the people, and deep-seated malpractices in civil administration, finance, the judiciary, education, and transportation that have yet to be fully eradicated. We are not saying that these problems no longer exist. Rather, we assert that we now possess revolutionary power, an opportunity to cleanse the countryside of bandits, and the strength to combat local tyrants, corrupt officials, and other oppressors. This enables us to begin the process of revitalizing civil administration, finance, the judiciary, education, and transportation.


In short, we have laid a revolutionary foundation. All our actions are guided by Dr. Sun Yat-sen’s revolutionary strategy, which is clear for all to see. Yet British imperialism in Hong Kong, Chen Jiongming[8], Deng Benyin[9], and a host of other counterrevolutionary remnants, together with countless local tyrants, gentry, and corrupt officials, cannot help but tremble before us. Filled with resentment, they spare no effort in cursing, slandering, and maligning us. Propaganda organs of counterrevolutionary factions in Beijing, Tianjin, Shanghai, and Hankou have joined in a frenzied chorus, unleashing venomous attacks with equal fervor. Across the country, especially among the people of northern China and the Yangtze River basin, many remain deceived and utterly cut off from the truth about Guangdong. Even among comrades, doubts sometimes arise. And even those who harbor no doubts lack factual evidence upon which to base a reasoned defense.


Terms such as “internal strife” and “communism” are rampant everywhere, as if Guangdong had truly become a hellhole. We can no longer afford to stand idly by. It is time for us to launch a counteroffensive. The mission of the Political Weekly is to counter the counterrevolutionaries’ propaganda and thereby shatter their disinformation campaign. Our approach to countering the enemy does not rely heavily on debate; instead, we faithfully report the facts of our revolutionary work. When the enemy claims, “Guangdong is communist,” we reply, “Look at the facts.” When they allege, “There is internal strife in Guangdong,” we respond, “Look at the facts.” When they assert, “The Guangzhou government is colluding with Russia to surrender national sovereignty,” we retort, “Look at the facts.” And when they charge that “Under the Guangzhou government, the people are suffering in dire straits,” we counter, “Look at the facts.” Nine-tenths of each issue of the Political Weekly consists of straightforward accounts of actual events, with only one-tenth devoted to refuting counterrevolutionary propaganda.


Let the revolutionary masses nationwide rise up, accepting our honest reports on the revolutionary struggle! Printed from Selected Works of Mao Zedong on Journalism, published by Xinhua Press in 1983.


Notes [1] This is the inaugural address written by Mao Zedong for the launch of the Political Weekly. The Political Weekly was a publication sponsored by the Central Propaganda Department of the Kuomintang during the First United Front period, first issued in Guangzhou on December 5, 1925. At that time, Mao Zedong served as acting head of the Central Propaganda Department and editor-in-chief of the journal.  [2] The Anfu clique was a group of politicians manipulated by the Anhui clique of Beiyang warlords. Following Yuan Shikai’s death in 1916, Duan Qirui, leader of the Anhui clique, became Premier of the Beiyang Government and effectively controlled it. In 1918, Anhui-aligned politicians such as Xu Shuzheng and Wang Yitang established a club in Anfu Hutong, Beijing, to conduct political activities and dominate the legislature, earning them the designation “Anfu clique.” The Anfu clique collapsed after Duan Qirui’s fall from power in 1926.  [3] The Research Clique, see note 3 on page 13 of this volume.  [4] The Federalist faction, also known as the “Provincial Autonomy League,” emerged during the Beiyang warlord era. Certain warlord-politician groups, seeking to maintain regional fragmentation and opposing democratic revolution, advanced the reactionary proposal of provincial autonomy.  [5] The Nationalist Party refers to certain reactionary politicians within the Youth Party of China (then officially named the “Youth Nationalist League of China”). They aligned themselves with imperialism and the ruling reactionary forces, opposing both the Chinese Communist Party and the Soviet Union.  [6] Yang and Liu refer to Yang Ximin and Liu Zhenhuan. See note 3 on page 17 of this volume.  [7] Zheng and Mo refer to Zheng Runqi and Mo Xiong, minor warlords in Guangdong. Their forces were defeated by the Guangdong Revolutionary Army in 1925.  [8] Chen Jiongming, see note 2 on page 17 of this volume.  [9] Deng Benyin, see note 4 on page 17 of this volume.