9. To put into practice the Guomindang's proposals, we must speedily prepare for a national assembly that is truly representative of the people. Among all
the organizations of the people, we should prepare for a renewed general propaganda campaign on the "necessity for a national assembly to resolve national
matters," continuing last year's campaign. When necessary, all provincial and
special city party councils should mobilize all members in their districts to carry
out intensive propaganda campaigns for a national assembly, to arouse the attention of the popular masses.

C. Slogans
1. Down with Zhang Zuolin and Duan Qirui.
2. Down with British, American, and Japanese imperialism.
3. Down with all scheming political factions.
4. Let the people rise up and take charge of the anti-Fengtian movement.
5. Let a National Assembly that represents the people bring an end to the war
against the Fengtian clique.
6. Establish a national government to unify the whole country.
7. Abolish the unequal treaties.
8. Freedom of association, assembly, speech, and strikes.
9. Let all revolutionary elements quickly join the Guomindang.

The Central Executive Committee of the
Chinese Guomindang Sternly Repudiates the
Illegal Meeting of Beijing Party Members
(November 27, 1925)
Telegram to All Party Offices at All Levels
For the information of all comrades in party offices at all levels of the Chinese
Guomindang:
The telegram (of November 6) recently received from Beijing members of the
Central Executive Committee, Lin Sen,¹ et al., proposing that the Fourth Plenum
of the Central Executive Committee be convened in the Western Hills in Beijing,
has already been sternly repudiated in a telegram of reply from the Central
Executive Committee. From the standpoint of legality, since the Third Plenum of
the Central Executive Committee passed a resolution that national party congresses and plenums of the Central Executive Committee must meet in
Guangzhou, no one, no matter who, may violate the resolution. From the standpoint of the concrete situation, a plenum of the Central Executive Committee is
public in nature, and if it were held in Beijing, externally it would be subject to
pressure from the warlords, while internally reactionary elements would use the
warlords to cause obstructions from within. It was precisely for this reason that,
in April of this year, the Third Plenum of the Central Executive Committee had
to halt its meeting less than halfway through and go south to reconvene in
Guangzhou. He who does not forget the past is master of the future. How can the
Fourth Plenum of the Central Executive Committee make the same mistake
again and allow the warlords and the reactionary elements to continue pursuing
their scheme of destroying the revolution? The Second National Congress, origi-

--- Notes

This telegram appeared in Zhengzhi zhoubao, No. 1, December 5, 1925. Our source is the
version reproduced in Mao Zedong ji, Vol. 1, pp. 99-100.

1. Lin Sen (1868-1943), zi Zichao, was a native of Fujian. In 1912-1913, he was
chairman of the Senate in Beijing, but fled abroad when Yuan Shikai dissolved parliament.
In 1917 he participated in the rump parliament convened in Guangzhou, which established
a revolutionary government headed by Sun Yatsen. Though he had played a leading role in
the First Guomindang Congress of January 1924, he became increasingly hostile to collaboration with the Communists. He was, with Zou Lu, one of the two main architects of the
Western Hills meeting of 1925, and subsequently headed the dissident Central Executive
Committee chosen in April 1926, in Shanghai.