Declaration of the Changsha Letterpress and Movable-Type Workers on Returning to Work

(December 1922)

As letterpress and movable-type workers, we have been striving to secure the interests that are rightfully ours—demanding better treatment, shorter working hours, and higher wages from our employers. At first, we only put forward verbal requests. Later, because the employers took a rigid stance and showed no sign of awakening, they forced us into a position where we had no choice but to go on strike. We struck because most of the conditions we proposed to the employers were rejected; we were compelled to strike. Our strike was entirely well-intentioned and lawful. This strike has inflicted considerable loss upon cultural enterprises. People reproach us workers, but we cannot accept this blame. We cannot sacrifice our own livelihoods, and the livelihoods of our wives and children—going without food and clothing—simply to promote cultural development for the sake of the gentry and scholars, while we ourselves face all manner of □□□. We would never have resorted to this final measure had we not first presented our demands to the employers, and had the employers not rejected our demands—largely rejecting them. We were forced to strike. Therefore, for this loss, the first responsibility rests with the intransigent employers. Our strike lasted seventeen days. The government and the so-called intellectual class both acknowledge that the loss to cultural enterprises has been great. They themselves have suffered considerable distress, yet they do not spare a thought for us—what about our suffering? We feel that the intellectual class, in the face of our unavoidable strike, has a duty to step forward and mediate. The government also has a duty to step forward and arbitrate. It is true that everyone’s suffering is real. But this suffering must be resolved by everyone coming forward together; it cannot be laid solely upon us workers to resolve. Nor can we workers be asked to sacrifice ourselves to resolve □ everyone’s suffering. We find it difficult to understand. Why, during these seventeen days, did everyone merely rail against the workers, but never once help us find a solution? Not to mention the intellectual class, even the government paid no attention to our problem and did not come forward to deliver a fair judgment. This we find even harder to understand. Therefore, for this loss, the second level of responsibility rests with the intellectual class and the government. Yet we cannot entirely absolve ourselves of responsibility for this loss. We acknowledge that we have brought this grave loss upon society. We did so out of necessity; had we not done this, our very livelihoods would have been imperiled. We forewarned the employers, presenting our demands and giving warning. The employers, unyielding in their stance, were willing to let society suffer this loss. The members of the government and the intellectual class did not think of ways to resolve this on our behalf. They were willing to let society suffer this loss. We, mere humble workers, possess very little power. Yet life is of supreme importance, and in this matter we had no alternative. Now, fortunately, various labor organizations came forward to assist us, and Messrs. Zhang □□, Mao Zedong, Zhang Pingzi, and Tao Xiaozhong have come forward to mediate. The employers have agreed to the greater part of the conditions we requested, and both parties have signed a treaty. Our wages have been increased, our working hours reduced, and we have secured our bonuses and the right to rest on the new and full moon days. We cannot but express our gratitude to the mediators and to the various labor organizations for their assistance. We have won! We hereby declare our return to work.