The True Circumstances of the Negotiations
between the Representatives of Various Labor
Organizations and Provincial Governor Zhao,
Director Wu of the Administrative Bureau,
Director Shi of the Police Bureau, and
Magistrate Zhou of Changsha Xian

(December 14, 1922)

Dear Mr. Editor:

Our humble federation hereby submits to your distinguished paper a document of
the utmost importance to working people. We respectfully request that it be
printed in the news or contributions column, and will be extremely grateful if
you can do so. Respectful good wishes for your editorial work.

Submitted on the fourteenth [of December]
by the All-Hunan Federation of Labor Organizations

The circumstances in the negotiations of representatives of the various labor
organizations with the government on a variety of important issues. There has
been some coverage of this matter in the various newspapers, but too much has
been left out, and much does not tally with the actual circumstances of the
negotiations. Nor do all the members of every labor union understand the results
of these negotiations. Therefore we are revealing here the true circumstances of
the negotiations with the Police Bureau, with Changsha xian, and with the Administrative Bureau, as well as with the governor's office.

Recently, disputes between labor and capital have been constantly increasing
in number. With the steady development of the workers' organizations, the estrangement between the workers and the government has also grown increasingly severe. Very often, the governmental offices have handled labor-capital
disputes unfairly, two cases that have suddenly arisen lately being the taking
down of the signboard of the Rickshaw-Pullers' Union by the police station of
the Western District and the renewed attempt of Changsha xian to ban the new
barber shops.1 Also, at a time when the strike of the Writing-Brush Makers'
Union had not yet been resolved, factional strife arose within the Mechanics'
Union between students and on-the-job trainees, while in the Tailors' Union
conflict broke out between the old annually appointed manager and his fellow members. Moreover, rumors have been rampant lately, to the effect that the
government will again ignore the constitution and oppress labor. With the rumors
increasing every day, the anger and fear in labor circles has also been growing
day by day. For all of these reasons, eleven labor organizations, including the
All-Hunan Federation of Labor Organizations, the General Union of Guangzhou-Wuhan Railway Workers, the Masons' and Carpenters' Union, the Barbers'
Union, the Typesetters' Union, the Union of Lithographic Workers, the Writing Brush Makers' Union, the Tailors' Union, the Mechanics' Union, the Rickshaw Pullers' Union, and the Boot and Shoe Craftsmen's Union have found it
necessary to approach the government offices directly at different levels. Over
twenty representatives from various labor organizations met specially with Director Shi of the Police Bureau at twelve noon on the eleventh of this month and
negotiated for about two hours. At three that afternoon, they all met with Magistrate Zhou for about two and a half hours. At twelve noon on the twelfth, they
met with Director Wu of the Administrative Bureau for about three and a half
Huang and Pang, saying that in reality Huang and Pang had been executed
because they were buying firearms, colluding with bandits, and agitating for a
strike at the mint at the end of the year when any stoppage of work was simply
out of the question, as the copper money to be coined in the mint was required
Concerning issue no. 2 (the problem of association and assembly), the representatives pointed out that the government offices often refused to grant permission, always insisting that an association must first be registered before it could
be formed. They did not know that the rights of the people to form associations
freely (provided they did not contravene the criminal law) and to assemble
peaceably (provided they were not carrying arms) as provided by Article 12 of
the Provincial Constitution, was not to be restricted by any special decree. Furthermore, there was no stipulation that an association could be formed only after
receiving permission from a government office. If permission were to be required before forming an association, then government offices would be allowed
great latitude in granting or denying permission, and Article 114 of the Provincial
Constitution would be basically abrogated. The same was also true of assembly.
Recently, secret agents have often appeared at meetings to create obstacles and
disturbances, or armed police have even been sent to compel their dissolution.
They had no idea either that the Provincial Constitution grants the people, when
not carrying arms, complete freedom to assemble peaceably, and that this right
can under no circumstance be arbitrarily interfered with. Governor Zhao, Director Wu, Director Shi, and Magistrate Zhou all confirmed that the constitution
was, as a matter of course, perfectly valid, and that the government would
naturally not interfere if the people abided by the law. At the Administrative
Bureau, the representatives also stated that the law was concerned only with
behavior, not with intent. In the past, the government has often interfered with
assemblies, associations, speech, and the press using the excuse that the ideas
behind some particular assembly, association, speech, or publication might lead
to a violation of the statutes of the criminal law. This is not compatible with the
fundamental meaning of the law. If the government can interfere on grounds of
intent (including presumed intent) before the people have even taken any action,
then anything at all could be interfered with on the grounds that it "might
possibly" lead to a violation of the criminal law. The representatives cited the
example of England, where the Communist Party (which has representatives in
Parliament) is tolerated and not interfered with, except when the Communist
Party engages in actions that violate the law (i.e., in revolution). Director Wu
replied that in the field of law there were originally two factions, the motivationists and the behaviorists. It was true that the law now based itself on the
behavior principle, but if a certain motivation was definitely likely to lead to
some violation of the law, then it is necessary to intervene. The representatives
insisted that no interference was called for where there was no behavior that
directly violated the law. They also cited, in support of their argument, the fact
that England and France do not prohibit people from carrying weapons, and
intervene only when shooting and killing occur.

Concerning issue no. 3 (clarification of the attitude of labor circles), the
representatives said that what the workers wished for was socialism, because
socialism was really beneficial to them. But because this was difficult to achieve
used by some political faction. Such suspicions are truly erroneous. Henceforth,
we request the government to distinguish between fictitious labor unions that are
the instruments of others and genuine trade unions that are devoted exclusively
to alleviating the sufferings of the workers themselves, and not to confuse the
two, in order to avoid handling them improperly and thereby arousing bad feeling toward the government in labor circles. Governor Zhao, Directors Wu and
Shi, and Magistrate Zhou all affirmed that this attitude adopted by the workers
was quite proper. Directors Wu and Shi said that socialism was a progressive
ideology and could certainly be realized in the future, but it could not be realized
at present. Magistrate Zhou proposed that labor and capital should not fight each
other, but rather seek to accomodate each other in order to avoid great social
losses. Governor Zhao also said that socialism might be realized in the future,
only it would be hard to put it into practice today. At the moment, the main effort
should be devoted to the development of industry, so he advised the workers to
put up with a little misery. In response to Magistrate Zhou's views, the representatives maintained that the government in fact bore a responsibility to get the
capitalists and shop owners to make many more concessions, so that the workers
would not come into conflict with them.
Concerning issue no. 4 (that workers and government put their heads together), the representatives said that if workers and government did not put their
heads together, all kinds of misunderstandings could result. With the government way up on high and the workers down below, it was easy for the people in the
middle to play tricks and fabricate all kinds of rumors. The story propagated
recently that the government would repress strikes in a big way and last year's
case of Huang and Pang were examples of this. Furthermore, if the workers did
not put their heads together with the government, it would be easy for the
capitalists and shop owners to put their heads together with the government. If
lower-level officials in the government listened only to one side, neglected to
enquire into matters, and handled them carelessly, the damage done to the workers would not be the only result; the government would also have to alter its
previous verdict, and as a result its prestige would suffer greatly. There had been
many instances of the kind in the last few months, and more recently there had
been the incident of the rickshaw pullers. It was hoped that from now on, government and workers would put their heads together from time to time, and that
when an important case came up, it would not be decided until this had been
done. Zhao, Wu, Shi, and Zhou all approved of this suggestion. Director Wu also
said that he very much wanted to put his head together with the workers more
often so as to examine and learn about the living conditions of the workers,
provided only that the labor union representatives truly represented the majority.
Governor Zhao said that henceforth, in the new government, the Provincial
Council6 would be invested with full responsibility, the governor being no more
than a figurehead, and there could be more contacts with this organ.7
Concerning issue no. 5 (an arbitration board for labor-capital disputes), the
representatives said that the number of disputes between labor and capital had
been growing with each passing day, and that they often felt such problems were
dealt with improperly by the ordinary administrative or judicial organs. Because
labor-capital problems could not be treated properly without expert knowledge,
it was specifically suggested to the government that, following the example of
Guangdong Province, a labor-capital arbitration board be set up. Director Shi
and Magistrate Zhou expressed very strong approval for this suggestion. Magistrate Zhou also offered to act as mediator in all labor disputes before the board
was set up. Both Director Wu and Governor Zhao advised that the Provincial
Assembly be petitioned to enact the legislation, and said that the government
could then have the court set up. Governor Zhao was also willing to suggest it to
the assembly.
Concerning issue no. 6 (the problem of the Rickshaw-Pullers' Union), the
representatives who had been to negotiate with the Police Bureau said that the
Changsha Union of Rickshaw Pullers, which had been organized in accordance with Article 12 of the Provincial Constitution and had a membership of about
1,800, was extremely well organized. And yet, the police station of the Western
District had suddenly taken down the union signboard under a warrant containing the words "unauthorized establishment." What was more, they had used
abusive language. With a violent and threatening attitude, Zhou, a clerk in the
police station, even banged the tables and chairs and spoke abusively, without
the least respect for the dignity of the workers. There is a rumor, which has yet to
be verified, to the effect that the rickshaw owners colluded with staff members of
the station in fraudulent practices. All the trade unions are extremely indignant,
saying that if the signboard of one union can be taken down, the signboards of all
other unions may be taken down as well. They regard this as extremely dangerous and totally in contravention of Article 12 of the Provincial Constitution.
Director Wu listened to what the representatives had to say. He was extremely
shocked and denied that he had ever issued such an order. He accepted then and
there the registration of the Rickshaw-Pullers' Union and said that as soon as the
written document arrived, it would be immediately approved. He also urged the
workers to pay no attention to the meeting called by Wu Hesheng, saying that sham
trade unions would naturally perish. The representatives responded favorably.

Concerning issue no. 7 (the problem of barbers), the representatives, both at
the Changsha xian [office] and at the Administrative Bureau, pointed out the
various abuses involved in this case and also noted that the original verdict
violated the provision in the Provincial Constitution regarding freedom to do
business, adding that the corruption in the districts really must be cleaned up,
and that dividing the receipts on a basis of 40 percent and 60 percent10 was
fairest to both sides. Magistrate Zhou agreed to suspend the execution of the
original verdict, after which the matter could be finally settled once the provincial government had modified the original verdict. He also assented to the release from prison on bail of the worker Luo Meixiang. Director Wu actually
denied that there was any new order instructing Changsha xian to execute the
original verdict, saying, "I have no knowledge of this." (This shows that the extent of
corrupt practices in this case was extremely great.) He subsequently agreed to handle
the case according to the resolution of the Provincial Assembly. If agreement was
not reached on a resolution, labor circles could petition for a change in the original
unjustifiable verdict, and the case could then be finally resolved.

Concerning issue no. 8 (the problem of the strike of the writing-brush makers), negotiations took place at the Changsha xian [office]. The representatives
explained the wretchedness of the lives of their fellow workers in the writing-brush making industry, and said that the owners of the enterprises, wanting to put
the workers in a desperate situation, had been delaying matters and refused to
resolve the issue. Magistrate Zhou thereupon agreed to act as mediator and set
the twelfth as the date for the representatives of both sides, employers and
employees, to meet at the Changsha xian office to come to a settlement.

Concerning issue no. 9 (the problem of the Mechanics' Union), negotiations
were held at the Administrative Bureau. Director Wu, having heard first a one-sided account from the students, asked if this were true. The representatives then
recounted how, since its founding, the Mechanics' Society had been made use of by
others in various ways, while the real workers could have no say, and how recently
the genuine fellow workers had started a thorough reform, had met to carry out new
elections, and had resolved to change the name to the Mechanics' Union. Director
Wu agreed that the matter should be settled in accordance with the real situation and
he could by no means accept the one-sided account of the other party.

Concerning issue no. 10 (the Tailors' Union), the negotiations were held at
the Changsha xian [office]. The representatives explained that if the former
annually appointed manager refused to hand over the property records, this was
simply a case of the minority opposing the majority. Magistrate Zhou agreed to
mediate, and a date was fixed for the morning of the twelfth, when both sides
would meet at the Changsha xian office for a settlement.

Representatives of the All-Hunan Federation of Labor
Organizations¹¹-Mao Runzhi and Yang Runxi

Representatives of the General Union of Guangzhou-Wuhan Railway Workers-Guo Liang and Xu Zhongyun

---

Notes

This record was submitted on December 14, 1922, to the editor of the Changsha
Dagongbao, and that paper published it on December 15, 16, and 17. Our source is Mao
Zedong ji. Bujuan, Vol. 9, pp. 151-56.
1. For an explanation of these two disputes, see below, the paragraphs on issues nos. 6
and 7.
2. For an account of these meetings with Zhao Hengti and others, see Li Rui, Early
Mao, pp. 259-72. Zhao Hengti (1880-1971), zi Yiwu, hao Yanwu, was a native of
Hengshan, Hunan. After studying at the Japanese Officers' Academy in Tokyo, he served
in the early years of the Republic under Governor Tan Yankai in Hunan. When the
northern warlord, Zhang Jingyao, who had ruled the province from 1918 to mid-1920, fell
from power after a campaign in which Mao had been deeply involved (see the extensive
materials in Volume I of this edition), Zhao himself became governor, despite the desire of
his former superior Tan Yankai to return to the post. Zhao was an active promoter of the
federalist movement, and by granting a provincial constitution and establishing a new
government on January 1, 1922, made Hunan the spearhead of the movement for decentralization in China. Mao, who had supported Hunanese autonomy in 1919-1920, had now
adopted a different political stance, and the two soon came into conflict.
3. Huang Ai and Pang Renquan were anarchists whom Mao sought to convert to
Marxism. Regarding their early activities in the Hunan labor movement, see above, the
note to "My Hopes for the Labor Association" of November 21, 1921. In January 1922
when workers at the Huashi Cotton Mill called a full-scale strike, Zhao Hengti was
determined to put an end to their year-long strike actions for improved working conditions. There were violent clashes between his soldiers and strikers, resulting in deaths and
massive damage to machinery. The Hunan Labor Association protested in support of the
workers on one side, and the management of Huashi Company appealed to Zhao to put an
end to the trouble on the other. On January 16, Zhao invited labor leaders Huang and Pang
to the mill for negotiations. They were taken into custody by Zhao's soldiers and shot in
public the next morning. At the same time, the Hunan Labor Association was dissolved
and its publication suppressed. For further details see Li Rui, Early Mao, pp. 192-99, and
Angus W. McDonald, Jr., The Urban Origins of Rural Revolution (Berkeley: University
of California Press, 1978), pp. 154-65. (Hereafter McDonald, Urban Origins.)
4. This appears to be a misprint for Article 12; Article 11 of the Provisional Constitution dealt with freedom of speech, not with association and assembly.
5. Minzhizhuyi, literally "people's-rule-ism," yet another of the older terms for democracy.
6. Shengwuyuan, literally "Provincial Affairs Council."
7. This argument of Zhao's was somewhat disingenuous. Under the terms of Section V
of the Provincial Constitution, Articles 46-64, the governor was in no sense a figurehead;
apart from the very wide powers attached to his own office, he was also chairman of the
Provincial Council.
8. The organization in question was, of course, a modern-style union, which had
placed itself in opposition to the guild dominated by the rickshaw owners that had
formerly controlled the trade. The owners had long enjoyed a mutually profitable relationship with the police.

9. The Chinese term matou has the basic meaning of "wharf" or "pier," but it can also
signify "market," and it is used here in a sense derived from this. The barbers of Changsha
were divided into districts or trading areas called matou, each under the control of a master
barber. In June 1921, a group of young rebels had set up seven new shops of their own
outside this framework. The conflict had dragged on for over a year. Then, in August 1922,
the authorities of Changsha xian had endorsed the point of view of the guild masters and
arrested five of the rebels. (This was the "banning of the new barber shops" referred to in
the list of disputes at the beginning of the present text.) On the barbers' strike and its
background, see McDonald, Urban Origins, pp. 186–87, and Hunan jinbainian dashi jishu
(An Account of Important Events in Hunan during the Past Hundred Years), 2nd ed.
(Changsha: Hunan Renmin Chubanshe, 1979), pp. 505-6. (Hereafter Jinbainian.)

--- Notes

hours. At twelve noon on the thirteenth they met with Provincial Governor Zhao
and negotiated for about one and a half hours.2 The matters discussed in these
negotiations fell under the following ten headings: (1) the request that the government make clear its attitude toward labor circles; (2) the question of the
freedom of association and assembly; (3) clarification of the attitude of labor
circles; (4) that labor circles and the government should put their heads together
on a regular basis to avoid misunderstandings; (5) a proposal to organize a labor-capital arbitration board; (6) the problem of rickshaw pullers; (7) the problem of barbers; (8) the problem of writing-brush makers; (9) the problem of
mechanics; (10) the problem of tailors.
Concerning issue no. 1 (the request that the government make clear its position with regard to labor circles), Governor Zhao, Director Wu, Director Shi, and
Magistrate Zhou all asserted that the government had adopted the principle of
protecting all workers and had no intention of oppressing them. The fact that
recently strikes had broken out frequently in various places, but the government
had not interfered in any way, was evidence of this. Governor Zhao and Director
Wu also said that even though the government had heard many reports about
such things as a general strike, it had treated these as rumors, and had not taken
any repressive measures. Governor Zhao also made mention of the affair of

for the soldiers' pay and rations. Thus this matter concerned Huang and Pang
personally and was not directed against labor circles.3 The representatives expressed their satisfaction with the attitude adopted by the government toward
labor. They declared, however, that it was in fact not true that Huang and Pang
had been buying firearms, colluding with bandits, or agitating for a strike at the
mint. They added that all those who came to inform the governor had undoubtedly said these things were true, and that probably this was the very first time the
governor had heard it said that such reports were not true. From the standpoint of
the workers, to have one or two men killed and one or two unions banned was
assuredly a loss, but that could in no way make them desist from their necessary
activities. The government, on the other hand, by being denounced throughout
the whole nation, truly suffered an immeasurable loss in reputation and legality.
This alone sufficed to demonstrate that the estrangement between the workers
and the government was not a good thing.


in China at present, in current politics they naturally accepted the principle of
democracy.5 In public statements issued by the government offices, however, it
was often said that the workers widely advocated anarchism. This is entirely
untrue. The workers have no faith at all in anarchism because it is extremely
disadvantageous for them. As for the attitude of the workers toward the present
government, if the government will only treat the workers with good will, the
workers will assuredly never harbor evil intentions toward the government. Recently, in order to alleviate their own suffering, the workers have frequently
engaged in various campaigns, which are referred to as the labor movement.
Their demands, however, have never gone beyond three things: a raise in pay, a
reduction of working hours, and an improvement in the way they are treated. The
workers are absolutely not being used by any of the present political parties or
factions. Any labor union that is being used by a political faction is a trade union
in name only. No true industrial or professional labor union would ever allow
itself to be used by them. Whenever there is a strike, however, the government,
without investigating matters, immediately assumes that the workers are being

10. I.e., 40 percent for the workers and 60 percent for the owners. (Previously it had
been 30 percent and 70 percent.)

11. The All-Hunan Federation of Labor Organizations (Hunan quansheng gongtuan
lianhehui) had been established in early November 1922 by Mao Zedong and other
Marxist intellectuals. At a meeting on November 5, 1922, Mao was elected head or general
secretary (zheng zongganshi) of the federation, a post he occupied until he left the province in
April 1923. Building in part on the foundation laid by the Labor Association of Huang Ai and
Pang Renquan, who had been executed in January 1922, the new Federation drew together
unions representing a number of trades and industries. Many of these are listed below; see also
the relevant section of the text of July 1, 1923, "Hunan under the Provincial Constitution."