1. At present, there are two main schools of thought in China regarding the solution of social problems: one advocates transformation, while the other advocates reform. The former includes figures such as Chen Duxiu [2], and the latter includes Liang Qichao and Zhang Dongsun [3]. Reform is merely a patchwork; what is needed is large-scale transformation. As for using the phrase “transform East Asia,” it would be better to say “transform China and the world.” By mentioning “the world,” we make clear that our position is international in scope; by specifying “China,” we indicate where we should begin; “East Asia” carries no meaningful connotation. The Chinese question is, after all, a global one. However, if we undertake the transformation of China without keeping world transformation in view, our efforts will inevitably remain narrow and will hinder progress on a global scale.  Regarding methods, Qi Min [4] proposes adopting the Russian model, which I wholeheartedly endorse. The Russian approach represents a newly devised path when all other avenues have been exhausted, and it harbors far greater potential than any other method of transformation.

2. Broadly speaking, there are several ways in the world to address social problems: 1) social policy [5]; 2) social democracy [6]; 3) radical communism (Leninism); 4) moderate communism (Russell’s doctrine [7]); and 5) anarchism [8]. We may draw upon these for reference in determining our own approach. Social policy is merely a stopgap measure and cannot serve as a viable solution. Social democracy seeks to use parliament as an instrument of transformation, yet in practice parliamentary legislation invariably protects the interests of the propertied classes. Anarchism denies all forms of authority, but such a system is unlikely ever to be realized. Moderate communism, as advocated by Russell—extreme freedom and laissez-faire toward capitalists—is likewise unattainable. Radical communism, or what is known as the labor–peasant doctrine, employs the dictatorship of the proletariat and can be expected to yield concrete results; therefore, it is the most appropriate course to follow.

Printed according to the Selected Works of Mao Zedong, published by the People’s Publishing House in 1986.

Notes [1] This speech marks Mao Zedong’s adoption of the Marxist–Leninist revolutionary path. The New People’s Society held its annual general meeting in Changsha from January 1 to 3, 1921, during which there was lively debate over the resolution passed at the Mondary conference in France in July 1920 by members of the society studying in France, calling for the society’s guiding principle to be “the transformation of China and the world,” along with discussions on the methods and objectives of such transformation. This first article presents Mao Zedong’s remarks delivered on January 1, and the second presents his remarks of January 2.

[2] Chen Duxiu (1879–1942), native of Huaining County, Anhui Province. One of the principal leaders of the May Fourth New Culture Movement. After the May Fourth Movement, he embraced and propagated Marxism. In August 1920, he organized the Shanghai Founding Group of the Communist Party of China and engaged in activities to establish the party, making him one of its founding fathers. At that time, he supported the Marxist theory of class struggle and social revolution, advocating the use of revolutionary means to build a state led by the working class.

[3] Liang Qichao (1873–1929), native of Xinhui County, Guangdong Province. A key figure in the Hundred Days’ Reform. Following the Xinhai Revolution, he founded the Progressive Party, which in 1916 evolved into the Research Clique, of which he was the leader. Zhang Dongsun (1886–1973), native of Hangzhou, Zhejiang Province. A leading member of the Research Clique, who at the time served as editor-in-chief of the newspapers Shishi Xinbao and Gaizao. In November 1920, Zhang Dongsun, Liang Qichao, and others initiated a polemic concerning socialist issues. They argued that China’s economy was underdeveloped, and thus denied the existence of a genuine proletariat in China. Consequently, they opposed the propagation of socialism within the country, instead advocating industrial development and the growth of capitalism. They further claimed that the ills of capitalism could be “corrected” through legislation, social oversight, and the establishment of various “cooperative societies.” These views were sharply criticized by Marxists of the time.

[4] Qi Min refers to Chen Qimin, whose real name was Chen Shunong (1898–1970), a native of Changsha, Hunan Province. He was a member of the New People’s Society and at that time taught at the Zhounan Women’s School in Changsha.

[5] Social policy refers to a form of social reformism proposed in the 1870s by certain German economists, which later gained popularity in Europe and America as well as in Japan, before being introduced to China in the early twentieth century. Proponents of social policy advocated class harmony, urging the state or other social forces to enact labor legislation, implement social insurance, establish workers’ organizations, and launch welfare and relief initiatives, all in order to safeguard the capitalist economic system.

[6] Social democracy denotes the opportunism prevalent within the Second International in the early twentieth century. It opposed violent revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat, instead urging the working class to pursue parliamentary channels and promoting bourgeois democracy and class conciliation. In the years surrounding the May Fourth Movement, a very small number of individuals in China also propagated this ideology.

[7] Bertrand Russell (1872–1970), British philosopher and social activist. In his early years, he joined both the Fabian Society and the Labour Party, later embracing guild socialism. Following the October Revolution, he traveled to Russia for observation. From 1920 to 1921, he came to China to lecture, delivering speeches in Beijing, Changsha, and other cities. In these addresses, he expressed his belief that “communism is a sound doctrine,” advocating a “gradual and step-by-step approach” to its implementation, while disapproving of “class warfare” and “dictatorship by the masses.” He maintained that China’s top priority should be the development of education and industry. Russell’s ideas had a considerable influence within Chinese academic circles at the time.

[8] Anarchism emerged in mid-nineteenth-century Europe as a petty-bourgeois ideological trend. It rejects all states and political regimes, denies any form of power or authority, and champions absolute freedom and extreme democracy, advocating the establishment of an anarchist society characterized by “no command, no authority, no obedience, and no sanctions.” In the years surrounding the May Fourth Movement, this current exerted a significant influence among certain intellectuals and workers in China.