The responsibility for making such efforts rests with the people of the whole country,
not with a few bureaucrats, politicians, and military men. The latter care only about
their personal desires, not the public interest; they are imperious and not sincere;
they sell out their country and are not patriotic; they bring harm and not benefit
to the people.125 It is all because these men are trying to seek their personal gain
that the great turmoil has continued for eight or nine successive years. The extremely
corrupt [Beijing] government and the professional prostitutes of the Anfu clique have
established their hold on the country, and delight in doing evil. They have sold out all
our
railways, mines, forests, and trading ports; they beg Japan126 for guns, funds, and
officers to train their troops, and slaughter the people, doing battle with the urban
population and the students.127 As for the Province of Hunan, the turmoil has been
created by a few military men. But the people of Hunan have kept their mouths shut,
their tongues tied, their hands clasped, and their legs locked. They are half dead and
half alive. They did not speak out when they should have, and they did not resist when
they should have. Having first shown their own weakness, how can they blame others
for taking advantage of them and taking violent actions against them? Today, we have
suddenly come to realize that Hunan belongs, now and in the future, to those engaged
in proper and legitimate business in the territory of Hunan. Hunanese affairs should
be decided by all the people of Hunan themselves. Whoever supports such self-rule is
the friend of the Hunanese people, and whoever obstructs it is their enemy. It is the
sole desire and responsibility of the people of Hunan to regain our freedom, and we
cannot but urge our fellow countrymen, and people of ideals and integrity all over the
country, to make a tremendous show of sympathy.
Reply to Zeng Yi from the Association for
Promoting Reform in Hunan (June 23,1920)
Your Excellency Mr. Zeng Yi:128
125 A text similar to this appeared on May 16, 1920, in Tianwen, under the title: “Declaration of the
Hunan People’s Association for Self-Rule.” It did not include the opening paragraph of this piece, and was
preceded by the following notice: “For the consideration of citizens of the whole country, all newspaper
offices, all groups reflecting public opinion, the soldiers, civilians, and officials of all provinces, the
representatives from Hunan in the upper and lower houses of the parliament of the Military Government
in Guangzhou, Mr. Tan Yankai in Bingzhou, Mr. Wu Peifu in Hengzhou, Mr. Xiong Xiling, Mr. Fan
Yuanlian and Mr. Guo Zongxi in Tianjin, Mr. Zhang Shizhao, Mr. Peng Yunyi, and Mr. Xu Fosu of
the Peace Council in Shanghai, and all fellow Hunanese in Beijing, Tianjin, Shanghai, Nanjing, Hankou,
and Japan.” There were also some other variants. As usual, we follow the Chinese text in the Wengao,
but significant differences are noted below.
126 Here the May 16 version adds: “they recognize classes, and not equality.”
127 The May 16 text has “from their Japanese father.”
128 Here the May 16 version contains the following additional passage:

We have carefully read your kind letter and greatly appreciate your honest and
straightforward words. If the situation in Hunan is utterly disastrous, it is entirely
because the majority of the people are unable to achieve self-consciousness, to stand
up, and to speak out. The people of Hunan do not say what is on their minds, and they
do not put forward their opinions, so the military men from the north and the south129
have taken advantage of this to bully and humiliate the Hunan people. They have
forcibly occupied Hunan as their own territory and pocketed the wealth of the people.
We shall not talk about the past. From now on, the essential things for us to do are, in
negative terms, to abolish the military governorship and cut the military forces, and on
the positive side, to build people’s rule. From our observation of the current situation,
there is no hope for fully establishing people’s rule in China within the next twenty
years. During this period, Hunan had best protect its own boundaries and implement
its own self-rule, making Hunan a haven of peace130 without bothering about the other
provinces or the central government. Thus it can place itself in a position similar to that
of one of the states on the North American continent a hundred years ago. We should
run our own education, promote our own industry, and construct our own railways and
motor roads. By bringing into full play the spirit of the people of Hunan, we can create
a Hunanese civilization within the territory of Hunan. We would do so not because we
want to become a small tribe, but because this
area of Hunan is the only place where we can exert our efforts. For the past four
thousand years, Chinese politics has always opted for grand outlines of large- scale
projects with big methods. The result has been a country outwardly strong but inwardly weak; solid at the top but hollow at the bottom; high-sounding on the surface
but senseless and corrupt underneath. Since the founding of the Republic, famous
people and great men have talked loudly about the constitution, the parliament, the
presidential system, and the cabinet system. But the more noisily they talk, the bigger
mess they make. Why? Because they try to build on sand, and the edifice collapses
even before it is completed. We want to narrow the scope and talk about self-rule and
self-government in Hunan. We boldly assert that Hunan belongs to the Hunanese people. Neither Lu Rongting nor Tang Jiyao nor Duan Qirui131 is Hunanese, and they have
no proper or legitimate business in the territory of Hunan and should not be allowed
to deal with the affairs of Hunan. If we want to talk about unalterable principles, this
is an unalterable principle. Hunan is a big country which extends to the Five Ridges in
129 Zeng Yi (1879–1953), zi Songqiao, original name Zeng Wei, was born in Hanshou, Hunan. He
studied in Japan and there joined the Tongmenghui in 1906. In 1913 he was arrested for his journalistic
activities; after another brief period in Japan in 1914, he edited the Shanghai Zhonghua xinbao (New
China) from 1915 to 1919. At the end of 1919 he became professor of Chinese at Nanjing Hehai Engineering College. He visited Changsha in 1920. This letter, drafted by Mao on behalf of the Association
for Promoting Reform in Hunan, was first published on June 28, 1920, in the Shanghai Shenbao and
Guomin ribao.
130 I.e., the Beiyang warlords and the warlords from the Southwest.
131 Literally, “a peach-blossom spring,” from the peaceful arcadia first described by the poet Tao
Qian. (See endnote 22 to Mao’s commentary on Paulsen.)

the south, and reaches Lake Dongting in the north. It is well watered and fertile, and
talented people abound there. Hunan can supply food, clothing, and housing for itself.
It can also exchange its tea, rice, and minerals for silver dollars and other necessities
of daily life. Among men and in the heavens, Hunan is great and impressive. It is like
Switzerland in the West or Japan in the East. Although it may sound a bit exaggerated to say so, it will definitely not be difficult to reach this goal if our 30 million
people all work hard together. To construct a high building without first constructing
a foundation has been the mistake of the Chinese for the past four thousand years. To
plow the land of others without working on their own land has been the mistake of the
Hunanese in the recent past. When we propose “self-determination for the people of
Hunan,” we do not mean tribalism or separatism. What we mean is that the Hunanese
should themselves assume responsibility for creating a civilization on the territory of
Hunan. This is a responsibility that they dare not and cannot deny. Those who oppose
the creation of a Hunan civilization are the warlords, the high commissioner of
Hunan, Guangdong, and Guangxi,132 the high commissioner of Hunan and Hubei,133
the National Protection Army,134 the Pacification Army,135 and the Southern Expeditionary Army.136 Enemies of this kind must all leave the territory of Hunan and
never be allowed to enter Hunan again to oppress the Hunanese people. Thus the
people of Hunan will be able freely and naturally to develop their own nature and
create their own civilization. This is the essence of what we mean by selfdetermination
of the Hunanese people.
The gist of your letter is: “self-rule for the Hunanese, abolishing the military governorship and abolishing the army, staying above the power struggle among the parties
from the south and the north, and making Hunan a buffer zone.” We absolutely agree
132 Duan Qirui (1865–1936), zi Zhiquan, a native of Anhui, graduated from the Beiyang Military
Academy in 1887; after a period of study in Germany he returned to China to teach at the Weihaiwei
military school. He became one of Yuan Shikai’s chief military aides and commander of a number of
Beiyang Army divisions in the early 1900s. When Yuan became president of the Republic, Duan was
appointed minister of war. After Yuan’s death much power passed to Duan, who acted as premier
in 1916–17 during the presidencies of Li Yuanhong and Feng Guozhang. With the powerful Beiyang
military clique as a power base, he began a serious campaign to unify China militarily. He dismissed Tan
Yankai from the Hunan governorship in August 1917 and appointed one of his own subordinates, Fu
Liangzuo, to the post Duan’s fourth and final term as premier in 1918 was marked by agreements with
Japan which aroused public opposition. Factionalism within the Beiyang clique, and the resulting split
into Zhili and Anfii groups, led to his resignation as premier in October 1918, though Duan remained
the dominant figure in Beijing until the summer of 1920.
133 I.e., Lu Rongting.
134 I.e., Wang Zhanyuan.
135 The Huguojun, or National Protection Army, was originally founded in Yunnan in December
1915 by Cai E, Li Dazhao, Tang Jiyao, and others in opposition to Yuan Shikai’s plans to restore the
monarchy. One of Cai’s officers was none other than Zhu De, later commander in chief of the Red Army.
136 The Jingguojun, or Pacification Army, was organized in 1917 in Yunnan, Shaanxi, and other
provinces. In September 1917, when Sun Yatsen organized a government in Guangzhou based on the
Hufajun (Law-Protecting Army), Tang Jiyao, the Yunnan military governor, sent him a telegram approving this idea. Other provinces followed, but by 1921 the Pacification Army had begun to disintegrate.

with these excellent ideas. As for the proposal that “no single soldier be stationed in
Hunan,” it is noble in purpose and unassailable. Nevertheless, this Association suggests
that all the garrison corps and the office of defense commissioner be abolished, but
that a well-disciplined division of the regular army be maintained temporarily, while
you believe that the garrison corps will be needed in place of the regular army to keep
order locally. Although the differences in their names may not mean much, their roles
are totally different. First, the garrison corps are the friends of the local bandits. Without the garrison corps, the bandits will get no weapons; without the local bandits, the
garrison corps will have no opportunity to go out on campaigns, and will not get higher
campaign pay or plunder from the villages nearby. The regular army is comparatively
well disciplined, and is feared by the bandits. Second, whereas it only requires the addition of one army division at most to do the job, at least seven to eight headquarters
and three to four defense commissioner’s offices will be needed if the garrison corps are
to be placed all over Hunan. This will greatly increase the number of troops. Third,
self-determination for Hunan definitely does not mean nonresistance137 when invaders
come; nor does it mean that people will tolerate the use of violence against them.
Should violence recur, formal resistance will be indispensable. Self-determination for
the Hunan people is like the Monroe Doctrine. Hunan belongs to the Hunanese people.
The people of Hunan have no right to intervene in the affairs of other provinces. By
the same token, the people of other provinces have no right to intervene in the affairs
of Hunan, and if there is intervention, it will be resisted. Therefore, the establishment
of a division of the regular army addresses the issue of manpower, of bandits, and also
of resisting violence if necessary. This is the third argument. Alas for Hunan! After Yu
Xiong founded the state [of Chu],138 Hunan began to emerge. Zeng Guofan and Zuo
Zongtang139 were our predecessors. Huang and Cai140 were model compatriots. Since
then Hunan has been in constant decline. Now Guangxi and Guangdong want to take
the southern part of it. Yunnan and Guizhou want to take the western part of it. The
northern warlords want to take the northern part of it. Yueyang has been under the
control of the troops of the northern warlords for six years. Changsha has been frequently trampled on by the troops of Tang, Fu, and Zhang.141 Whoever has seen this
137 This was an army organized in 1918 by the Beijing government as an expeditionary force which
would move south to unify China.
138 Here Mao refers, more literally, to “self-determinationism” (zijuezhuyi) and “non- resistancism”
(wudikangzhuyi).
139 During the Spring and Autumn period, the kingdom of Chu, which encompassed present-day
Hunan as part of a much wider territory, emerged as the largest and most powerful state in the South.
Yu Xiong was its earliest known ruler.
140 Zuo Zongtang (1812–1885), zi Jigao, hao Laoliang, a native of Hunan, was a military leader and
statesman of the late Qing and a promoter of Westernization. Though he held many important official
posts, Mao is obviously thinking here of his collaboration with Zeng Guofan in crushing the Taipings.
Subsequently, he himself led the campaign in 1876–78 for the recovery of Xinjiang from Muslim rebels.
141 Huang Xing, one of the two fathers of the 1911 revolution, and Cai E, both frequently mentioned
above.

situation must weep for the people of Hunan. Although the Hunanese are dying, they
are not all dead. When oppressed to the utmost, they might close their eyes, but the
negative force of sabotage and destruction still lies in their character, as is shown in the
movement to drive Tang Xiangming, Fu Liangzuo, and Zhang Jingyao out of Hunan.
From now on, what we need to pay attention to is positive construction. It is of immediate importance to observe the whole situation around the world, to establish the
institutions of self-rule, to spread culture, and to reform education. A population of 30
million people is equal to the population of Japan when the Meiji Restoration was being carried out. Geographically, Hunan is in a much better position than Switzerland.
[Our people are] numerous, but inadequate; [our land is] large, but inadequate. We do
not have the knowledge, abilities, and training that the Japanese or the Swiss have.
We have often plucked up our courage with empty programs and we are usually good
at destroying things passively and unconsciously. Thus neither a glorious country such
as Switzerland, nor a wealthy state such as Japan, is to be found in the Yangzi River
valley. Your excellency is also a Hunanese, and your letter shows that you share our
feelings about the province. All of us are just common people, and our views regarding
the conditions for transforming the affairs of Hunan can be found in the published
manifesto of our Association. The first principle is self-determination. The second is
people’s rule. Tan Zu’an,142 Zhao Yanwu,143 and other officers and soldiers who were
in the movement to drive Zhang Jingyao out of Hunan worked hard and performed a
valuable service and have become heroes among our compatriots. In future, we hope
they will pay attention to the following points: First, defend self-rule and do not open
the door to dangerous tigers. Any tiger that has already got in, or may get in hereafter,
must be officially rejected and expelled. Second, to defend the people’s rule they must
think of themselves as members of the common people, and get rid of the bad habits
of the soldiers, the bureaucrats, and the gentry. From now on, their actions must be
guided by the public opinion of the 30 million common people. Most important of all
is to abolish the military governorship and to cut the size of the army. Money must
not be wasted, and efforts must be made to expand education. Our 30 million people
must all have freedom of speech, publication, assembly, and association. These are our
greatest hopes. Your letter has already appeared in the Shanghai papers. The great
turmoil has just begun to be contained, and everyone among the 30 million should
speak out, each putting forward his own views independently arrived at, and share the
responsibility for reform. We would gladly welcome any further instruction you might
be kind enough to grant us.
Association for Promoting Reform in Hunan
June 23
29 South Minhou Lane, Hatong Road, Shanghai
142 In the text which appears in the Tokyo edition (Bujuan, Vol. 1), these names are amplified as
follows: “Tang Xiangming—the butcher, Fu Liangzuo—the tyrant, and Zhang Jingyao—the beast.”
143 Tan Yankai. For details on his and Zhao’s role in the movement to oust Zhang Jingyao, see the
text of October 5–6,1920.