Since Zhang Jingyao took office in Hunan, he has spared no effort in extorting funds and indulging in wanton killing. The people of Hunan are grievously wronged and suffer unspeakable anguish, yet they have no one to whom they can turn. The current movement to drive him out has marshaled the strength of all quarters and consumed many days of painstaking work. It has won the sympathy of those in both North and South China who stand for justice and humanity. Only now do we finally see some prospect of successfully ousting him. Nevertheless, we cannot yet be optimistic. Why? For every Zhang Jingyao who is removed, a hundred more lurk nearby, eager to take his place. By that time, whether we shall still be able to endure the ordeal of driving them out, or whether the whole affair will end up as mere posturing—changing the game without changing the rules—we may well find ourselves hopelessly short-sighted indeed.

Since Hunan entered the Republican era, it has been ravaged by war three times, bearing the brunt of calamity and sustaining extraordinary sacrifices. Trace the root cause back to its origin, and you will find nothing but the malignant institution of the “military governors” as the deep-seated evil. So long as this system remains, Hunan’s chaos will continue unabated—regardless of whether those in power belong to the Northern or Southern factions, or whether they are villains or good men. Following the path we are on today, there can be no fundamental change in prevailing practices. The utter hopelessness of restoring order in Hunan has long since become an irrefutable fact.

To think that even such colossal sacrifices have failed to stir even a glimmer of self-awareness among the people of Hunan—that their minds have sunk into a deathlike torpor—is deeply troubling. With such a moribund spirit, how can they possibly survive in this age of surging new currents? Moreover, looking at the domestic situation today, we see that various special interests hold sway, making it impossible to achieve a comprehensive solution anytime soon. The only practical way forward lies in having a mass movement initiated first in one particular region.

We, the undersigned, believe that if we are to build an ideal Hunan, we must begin with a thorough “fundamental transformation.” To that end, we propose setting forth a minimum set of conditions responsive to the exigencies of the times, rallying the collective will of all Hunanese at home and abroad, setting aside all personal biases and private interests, and launching a rational, sustained mass movement dedicated to these aims—continuing until our goals are achieved. Some have described Hunan as the Switzerland of the East; might we not take Switzerland as the very image of our “ideal Hunan”? Starting from this day, let thirty million people cleanse their minds and hearts and press forward. There may yet come a day when this vision becomes a reality.

The tide of history speaks clearly: a revolutionary wave has already swept across the wilds of Siberia, and the once-enslaved Korean people are likewise striving for self-determination. The overarching trend is irresistible. Turning our gaze south of the Great Lake and north of Cangwu, where the Three Xiang and Seven Marshes lie—a land rich in resources and tradition—we find ourselves standing upon a stage ripe for self-governance and self-determination, a region that has captured the attention of the entire world. Like a young person full of vigor, we possess ample capacity; what is needed is simply to make good use of it.

As for the affairs of Hunan, we regard “ousting Zhang” as our first step and “how to rebuild after Zhang’s departure” as our next. Accordingly, we hereby lay out specific conditions covering military affairs, finance, education, self-government, civil liberties, and transportation, soliciting the views of Hunanese everywhere. The guiding spirit behind these conditions is twofold: “overthrowing military rule” and “establishing popular governance.” Abolishing the office of military governor and reducing troop strength will serve to “overthrow military rule,” while privatizing the provincial bank, ensuring the independence of education, promoting local self-government, safeguarding citizens’ rights, and improving transport infrastructure will realize “popular governance.” We should disregard all obstacles, remain steadfast in our convictions, and press ahead with unyielding resolve, for throughout history the attainment of political and civil rights by peoples around the globe has invariably stemmed from vigorous struggle and mass movements.

Furthermore, we hold that Hunan is an integral part of the nation as a whole; its transformation is therefore also a vital component of national renewal. The implications are profound, both direct and indirect, and we earnestly hope that support and solidarity from across the country will provide the necessary impetus and serve as a model worthy of emulation. Our association is composed of like-minded individuals whose sole purpose is to advance Hunan’s transformation. Our approach consists of voicing opinions and advocating for change, following rather than leading. As for actual political action, we trust that a group of enlightened persons will undertake it, though we ourselves choose not to join. At this inaugural moment, we hereby declare the following: Our office is located at No. 119 Minhou Nanli, Hatong Road, Shanghai.

Conditions for Discussing Hunan’s Reconstruction:  (1) Military and Political Affairs  (a) Abolish the office of military governor.  (b) Limit the size of the armed forces to a single division, stationed in Yueyang, Changde, Hengyang, Baoqing, and Hongjiang. Public security within the provincial capital shall be maintained by a police force directly under the governor; no troops are to be stationed there. In each county, public order shall be kept by a police force reporting to the county magistrate. Disband all garrison units and abolish the title of “defender-general.”  (c) Total military expenditures shall not exceed one-eleventh of the province’s total revenue.  (2) Finance  (a) Privatize the Hunan Provincial Bank. The bank’s reserves backing its note issuance shall be subject to oversight by the provincial legislature. The ratio of reserve holdings to outstanding currency shall be determined by the legislature, which shall have the right to audit the bank’s books at any time.  (b) Introduce inheritance and income taxes, reduce the salt tax, and repeal all exorbitant taxes imposed over the past three years.  (c) Establish the First Hunan Spinning Mill as a privately owned enterprise.  (3) Education  (a) Ensure the independence of the education budget, setting it at RMB 1 million, with provisions for periodic increases as circumstances warrant. The source of these funds must be clearly defined. Custody of the education budget shall be entrusted to an “Education Fund Trust,” formed by a consortium of provincial schools.  (b) Adopt a policy of universal compulsory education, completing this task in all seventy-five counties within fifteen years at the latest.  (4) Self-Government  (a) Prepare to establish genuine grassroots self-governing bodies in every county’s smallest administrative units.  (b) Found and officially recognize trade unions at the county, town, and township levels.  (c) Found and officially recognize agricultural associations at the county, town, and township levels.  (5) Transportation  (a) Expedite the completion of the Hunan section of the Yuehan Railway as soon as possible.  (b) Construct automobile roads connecting all major towns and villages throughout the province.  (6) Fully guarantee the people’s freedoms of assembly, association, speech, and publication.  Proposed by the Association for Promoting Hunan’s Transformation.