The Japanese Lieutenant General Horiuchi has stated: “At this time it is imperative
that we adopt decisive measures and demand that China’s government punish all those
perpetrators of violent acts. We must also teach them to stand in awe of Japanese
authority. We should dispatch troops to Beijing and Tianjin, send a fleet to the Yangzi,
and absolutely prevent the occurrence of any anti-Japanese rebellion.” Think about it,
dear reader—what kind of talk is this?
Zhang Zuolin says: “Now that the peace conference has begun, the President must,
from above, promote a benevolent attitude of sincere compassion. Once the people of
the whole nation understand clearly how to hold fast to loyal devotion and show sincere
feelings, they will offer support and praise from below. Clouds come with the dragon,
wind with the tiger, a rare opportunity is at hand…” What an amazingly slavish tone
of voice. Think about it, dear reader—what kind of talk is this?
Wang Zhanyuan says: “Hubei is Wang Zhanyuan’s Hubei.” Think about it, dear
reader—what kind of talk is this?
For the Germans, the Painful Signing of the Treaty
(July 21,1919)
Before the treaty was signed: Rantzau41 and the other representatives of the defeated but not broken Germany arrived in Paris at the beginning of May. The solemn
ceremony of the treaty exchange took place at the Palace of Versailles on May 7. The
German representatives maintained a very dignified demeanor. Clemenceau stood up
to announce the opening of the session. The chief German delegate, Rantzau, seated,
then read the following statement:
The German army has been broken and the extent of Germany’s defeat is clear to
us. But Germany is not solely responsible for this European war; all Europe shares the
guilt. For the last fifty years, the imperialism of all the nations of Europe has truly
poisoned the international situation. Germany’s crimes in the war cannot be denied.
In the course of war, the conscience of the people is clouded by passion, and crimes
are committed. But after November 11 of last year, no German was fighting, while
the Allied powers looked on with cold deliberation as many died from the effects of
the blockade. The Fourteen Points of President Wilson were accepted by the entire
world, and the Allied nations announced that the peace treaty would be based on
these principles. Now Germany cannot be left completely without the means to avoid
normal school) in his native district of Nantong, where he also undertook numerous charitable works.
During the last decade of his life, he consciously sought to make Nantong a model for all of China.
41 The view criticized here had been put forward by Zhang Jian following the May 4th demonstrations, in an open letter entitled “Jinggao quanguo xuesheng” (Warning to the Students of the Whole
Country). See Zhang Jizi jiaoyu lu [Writings of Zhang Jian on Education], Vol. IV, pp. 16B-18B.) The
words following the allusion to the “Minor Odes” (Part II of the Book of Poetry) are not quoted from
that work, but reflect Zhang Jian’s reading of it.

starvation. The League of Nations should be open to all nations. Germany cannot be
left outside. Germany is willing to study the peace treaty in a spirit of good intentions.42
Paul Dutasta, general secretary of the peace conference, picked up the treaty, a
large volume bound in a grayish yellow cloth, and handed it to Rantzau. Rantzau then
returned to his residence and ate dinner in silence. After dinner, he immediately had
people begin translating the treaty. The translation was completed at three o’clock in
the morning and sent to Rantzau’s sleeping quarters. It was daylight by the time he
finished reading it. He had several copies made which were sent by courier to Berlin.
On the eighth, the German cabinet met in a
long session. Chancellor Philipp Scheidemann,43 in a speech before the committee
studying the peace treaty, said:
The peace treaty is simply a sentence of death for Germany. The government must
adopt a politically very calm attitude in discussing this detestable, mad document…
He then telegraphed the terms of the treaty to each of the [German] state governments and asked them to express their views. Because of the profound sense of suffering,
a special proclamation was announced stopping all public entertainments for one week.
The opera and theater were permitted to perform only tragedies of extreme suffering
similar to that of this day. The stock exchange, also in reaction to this painful shock,
was closed for three days. News that the treaty was going to be signed angered people
from all walks of life. Everyone talked about the possible implications of refusing to
sign the treaty. No one believed that Germany could accept these conditions. All the
Berlin newspapers attacked the treaty. One said, “The actual treaty far exceeds our
most pessimistic expectations. If this vicious benighted document cannot be revised,
the only word of reply must be ‘rejected.’ ” Another paper said, “If we sign this treaty, it
will be submission to naked coercion. In our hearts we should firmly reject it.” Only the
organ of the Independent Socialist Party advocated signing the treaty, saying, “From
experience, we know that refusing to sign will only increase our problems later.”
Most worth noting at this time is the attitude of the German political parties.44
The government faction of the Majority Socialist Party did not advocate signing. The
same was true of the People’s Party and the Centrist Party. The only exception was the
Independent Socialist Party. On the twelfth, the Independent Socialist Party passed
a resolution advocating accepting the treaty and stated, “The return to belligerent
behavior on the part of the present German government would strengthen the suspicion
and fear that other peoples feel toward Germany. Germany has no choice but to bow to
the coerced signing. The German-Russian treaty and the German-Rumanian treaty45
will soon be defunct. And there is nothing to stop the developing revolution from
canceling the Versailles Treaty.” If we look at it from Germany’s point of view, if she
doesn’t want to abide by the treaty, she must follow in the footsteps of Russia and
Hungary and carry out a great social revolution. This is precisely what the Allies fear
the most. The fact that Russia and Hungary did not send representatives or make peace
proposals is an obvious and courageous defiance of the Allies. The Allies still don’t know
what to do about it. If the social revolution of the mainstream faction46 of the German
Socialist Party had succeeded last winter, Germany would have been allied with Russia
in the east and with Austria in the south and would have had even closer ties to
Hungary and Czechoslovakia, and the news of their ideology of world revolution might
have aroused a response in the long pent up socialist parties of England, France, and the
United States. Could the Allied governments have swallowed that? The Independent
Socialist Party and the mainstream Socialist Party were originally one party that split
into two. It is not strange that they should talk like this. This talk about using the
development of the revolution to abrogate the peace treaty should not be taken lightly.
On the same day that the German National Assembly was discussing the articles
of the treaty, Scheidemann spoke out:
This is a day of life or death for the German people! We must unite! To keep our
nation alive—that and nothing else—is our duty. Germany has no plan to pursue any
nationalistic dreams. Nor is it a question of prestige or of a thirst for power. Today
everyone feels a throttling hand at his throat! The dignity of humanity is placed in
your hands. Preserve it.
The fourteenth: Rantzau sent a note to Clemenceau, the content of which was
essentially as follows:
The items in the peace treaty regarding territory would strip from Germany extremely important productive lands. The grain and potato supply would be cut by 21
percent, coal by one-third, iron by three-fourths, and zinc by three- fifths. The loss
of her colonies and commercial shipping would paralyze the German economy. If we
now cannot get sufficient raw materials, the situation will deteriorate to the extreme
limit. At the same time imports of foodstuffs would have to be greatly reduced. If the
many millions who rely on transportation and commerce for their livelihoods cannot
be given jobs and food by the German government, they will be forced to seek their
livelihoods in other countries. But most of the major countries prohibit German immigration. Thus, signing the peace treaty would be tantamount to a sentence of death
for many millions of the German people…
In addition to this note, Rantzau sent two other notes to Clemenceau. The first
said in essence that, “The occupation of German territory by the Allies violates the
principles announced by President Wilson.” The second note, expressing opposition to
the reparations payments, said, “Germany is willing to pay reparations, but not because
it admits responsibility for the war.” We see that Germany’s opposition stressed (1)
that it was not solely responsible for the war and, (2) that it did not want to part with
territory that produced raw materials. Although it did also object to other items, they
were not the most important ones.
The thirteenth: In the evening, there was a great demonstration in Berlin. At the
demonstration, the Majority Socialist Party mounted the stage and declared, “The
peace treaty is more venomous, more despicable even than that forced on Carthage
by Rome.” The masses paraded through the streets, stopping finally in front of the
Hotel Adlon, where the members of the Allied delegation were staying. Someone spoke
to the crowd, saying that their forces were very powerful and that anyone wanting
to attack the hotel would be stopped by the police. They then went to the general
offices of the cabinet, where Scheidemann appeared at the windows and spoke to them.
Another large group of people went at dusk to sing songs in front of the Hotel Adlon.
They shouted, “Overthrow the ruthless peace settlement, down with Clemenceau, down
with the English thief.” The crowd went again to Scheidemann’s place and asked him
to speak to them. When Scheidemann brought up the Fourteen Points of President
Wilson, the crowd shouted, “Down with Wilson.” On that day the Independent Socialist
Party held fourteen meetings in Berlin and the countryside.
The nineteenth: One of the Berlin papers carried the speech of the leader of the
Socialist Party, Dr. Bernstein,47 in which he said: “The extraordinarily burdensome
conditions of the peace treaty are not purely the product of anger and revenge. We
have been treated in this way because German policy was not trusted by others. All the
destruction is Germany’s fault. The fulfillment of all these demands is but repayment
for what Germany has stolen from others. I entirely disagree with the impassioned
words of most speakers. I tell them that never again must we have the arrogant bluster
of August 4, 1914!” This was like a glass of cold water on the impassioned voice of
German opposition.
The twentieth: Rantzau sent a letter to the peace commission requesting a revision
of the deadline for examining and discussing the peace treaty.
The twenty-second: Clemenceau’s reply granted permission to extend the deadline
until May 29.
The twenty-third: In the evening, the German plenipotentiary left for Spa to meet
and make all final decisions with several cabinet members from Berlin.
The twenty-fourth: Scheidemann48 and Mathias Erzberger went by car from Berlin
to Spa. Rantzau and sixteen members of the delegation also arrived, and they met
in an extraordinarily long session chaired by Scheidemann that passed the German
counterproposals. At the end of this session, the government members of the delegation
returned to Berlin, and Rantzau returned to Versailles.
May 27: The German reply was presented to the peace conference. The essentials
of the first part of the reply were:
1. Germany agreed to reduce its military forces to 100,000 men.
2. Agreed to turn over the large military naval ships, but retain mercantile shipping
vessels.
3. Opposed the decision concerning the eastern territories, and requested that the
people of East Prussia set up a popular assembly or congress.
4. Recognized Danzig as a free port.
5. Requested that Allied troops be withdrawn four months after the signing of the
treaty.
6. Requested membership in the League of Nations.
7. Strongly desired to be given the right to administer her colonies.
8. The total sum of reparations must not exceed 100 billion marks.
9. Refused extradition of the Kaiser and other personages.
10. Germany must have the right to engage again in overseas commerce.
The second part of the German counterproposals may be summarized as follows:
1. In the transition period, it would be necessary to maintain a large army to
preserve civil order.
2. The German people should be allowed to convene a national assembly to discuss
the question of territorial cession. And Austrians should be allowed convenient
entrance to Germany.
3. Rejected the cession of Upper Silesia.
4. Did not recognize that Russia had any right to claim reparations.
5. Germany had no duty to make reparations to Italy, Montenegro, Rumania, or
Poland.

After long discussions, the representatives of the four Allied powers drafted a reply
to the above German counterproposals that rejected the German peace proposals item
by item. The entire document is very long. Throughout it makes the impossible claim
that Germany bears sole responsibility for the war. Germany must use every effort to
repair all losses, must turn over its military leaders and all those who committed acts
of violence during the war period to be punished according to the law. For a number
of years Germany must be subject to special restrictions. The fundamental position
held by the Allied powers in constructing the treaty cannot be changed in any way.
Concessions may be possible only in regard to concrete German suggestions, etc., etc.
After May 29: In response to repeated requests of the German representatives for
further extensions of the deadline for signing the treaty, it was finally agreed that the
date would be put off until June 28. The entire first half of June was taken up by
repeated replies and counter-replies.
When the German delegation returned to Germany from the French capital on June
18, it unanimously advised the German cabinet that it should refuse to sign the treaty.
The German cabinet then made preparations to convene the National Assembly at
Weimar to decide on this momentous problem. By this time, the Allies had already
made military preparations, and the moment Germany should express opposition to
signing the treaty, their troops would march in. Germany was already in a position in
which it had no choice but to sign.
June 22: The Allies gave their “final reply” to Germany49 and on this day communicated to the German representatives that Germany must accept the treaty within five
days. The “final reply” made the following concessions:
1. A plebiscite would be held in Upper Silesia.
2. The western boundary of Prussia would be redrawn.
3. The German army could be temporarily increased to 200,000 men.
4. The German army must promise to produce within one month the list of persons
accused of breaking the law in wartime.
5. [szc] Minor revisions regarding questions of finances.
6. Germany could be admitted to membership in the League of Nations on condition
it fulfilled its duties.
Knowing that there was no further possibility of redeeming the peace treaty, the
Scheidemann cabinet decided to resign.
49 Different characters are used here to transcribe Scheidemann, a not uncommon anomaly at the
time.

The twenty-second: A new German cabinet was formed, with [Gustav Adolf] Bauer
as chancellor, [Hermann] Muller as minister of foreign affairs, [Mathias] Erzberger as
minister of finance, [Eduard] David as minister of the interior,
[Gustav] Noske as minister of defense, [Johannes] Bell as minister for the colonies,
Giesberts as minister for post and telegraph, Senschnan as minister of labor, Schlicke
as minister of public works, Wissell as minister of public welfare, Meyer as minister of
the treasury, and Schmidt as minister for food supplies. Bauer and most of his cabinet
belonged to the Majority Socialist Party and had been members of the previous cabinet.
Now, in this very tense international atmosphere, they had to come forth and face the
difficult task of signing the peace treaty. When the new cabinet was formed, it was
already clear that it was prepared to sign the treaty. When Scheidemann resigned, those
of his cabinet who had been representatives in the peace negotiations of course also
resigned. Thus the German peace negotiating delegation changed personnel. The new
delegation was composed of the new cabinet’s foreign minister, Muller, the minister of
post and telegraph, Giesberts, etc.
At this time, the National Assembly was still in session at Weimar. Mr. Bauer
appeared before the National Assembly and delivered a very agonized speech. He spoke
in extreme terms about the anguish of forming the new government, and besought
the National Assembly to come to a decision; otherwise warfare would break out all
over again. Bauer said, “For the last time in free Germany, I stand up to oppose this
brutal and destructive treaty! I stand up against this travesty of the right of selfdetermination! Against this scheme to enslave the German people! Against this new
device to subvert world peace!” Amidst cries of “yea” and “nay,” the motion to sign the
treaty was passed.
After the motion to sign the treaty was passed, on the twenty-third, Bauer again
appeared before the National Assembly to explain that it was necessary to sign the
treaty unconditionally. In his speech he said, “That nation which is defeated in war
will be humiliated by the world! In signing the treaty we gain a reprieve for a while.
In the end, he who does damage to my honor will get his just deserts!” At this point
the parties of the right raised objections. A vote was taken. The result confirmed
permission to sign the treaty. The president of the Assembly, Fehrenbach, rose and
declared briefly, “We entrust our fatherland to the mercies of the Lord!” He continued,
“The leaders of all parties have been in touch with military circles. The entire nation
hopes that the example of the sacrifice of the army and navy at Scapa Flow will help
labor to rebuild the fatherland!” Germany’s decision to sign the peace treaty, an event
so closely tied to the peace and stability of the entire world, was finally taken to the
accompaniment of this extremely painful speech. For the German people, there is no
memorable occasion since the beginning of history that surpasses this day!
The National Assembly having passed the bill to sign the treaty, the new German
delegation went to Paris and delivered the “Note of Approval to Sign the Treaty” to
the peace conference. In its essentials, the note read:

The government of the Republic of Germany recognizes that the Allied states are
determined to use military force to coerce Germany into accepting the conditions
of the peace treaty. Although these conditions have no great significance, their real
intent is to deprive the German people of their honor. While submitting to superior
military force, the German government does not withdraw its reservations regarding
the unprecedented violation of justice of the conditions of the peace treaty! We hereby
declare acceptance of the conditions imposed by the Allied states.
The joy of other countries at the proclamation of the above note was of course
indescribable. Then on the twenty-eighth, the very last day of the extended deadline,
the greatest ceremony in history was held in the Palace of Versailles for the signing of
the peace treaty.
The ceremony for the signing of the peace treaty: At 3:05 P.M. on June 28, 1919,
the conference opened in the Versailles Palace. In the Hall of Mirrors, a high dais had
been set up, an imposing and solemn setting. The heads of the Allied plenipotentiary
delegations assembled first. Next came the German plenipotentiaries, who included
only the minister of foreign affairs, Muller, and the minister of transport, Bell.50 The
others refused to attend. As president of the peace conference, Clemenceau first delivered a brief address. “The governments of the Allies and states participating in the
war have come to an agreement on the conditions of peace. Now the signatures will
be given, expressing mutual faith solemnly to abide by the understanding.” He then
continued, “I invited the representatives of the German Republic to sign first.” Suddenly there was a loud shout from the seats of the German delegation, “Deutschland!
Deutschland!” At this Clemenceau changed the appellation to “Deutschland.” The German representatives then rose and put their signatures to the treaty. Bell signed first.
The time was 3:12 in the afternoon. In the gardens, the fountains sent up four jets, to
the thunderous sound of the canons. By the time the German delegates had returned
to their seats, everyone in the place was smiling. The United States signed next, and
then Britain, followed by France, Italy, and Japan, with the Republic of Czechoslovakia signing last. At 3:35 the signing was completed, and Clemenceau announced the
close of the meeting.
After the signing: When the news was announced that the German National Assembly had approved the signing of the peace treaty, patriotic demonstrations and
marches took place throughout Germany. Groups of the common people sang war
songs and the national anthem and shouted out their respect and praise for the elderly
war veterans. The newspapers expressed extreme anger about the question of bringing
the Kaiser to trial. One paper made a plea to the army officers of 1914, saying that
if the Kaiser was put on trial that they should be willing to be put on trial by the
Allies also. It even suggested the formation of an organization that might go to Holland
and protect the Kaiser. Strikes broke out in many places one after the other. When
50 In fact, what was called a “final reply” was handed over on June 16, but some further concessions
were made in an Allied note of June 22. The deadline for German acceptance was June 23.

on the twenty-eighth the news of the signing of the peace treaty reached Berlin, one
Berlin newspaper printed an article that read, “The German people must eventually
take revenge for the humiliation of 1919.” The government suppressed circulation of
this paper. On the twenty-ninth the newspapers all had a “black rule” to express their
bitter grief. All the papers ran extremely pessimistic editorials. The railroad and trolley workers in Berlin and other places went out on strike. Transportation ground to a
complete halt within the city of Berlin. There were riots in Hamburg and other places.
Strikes spread throughout the entire nation.
Editorial Comment: In this account, I have described only the German side of the
treaty signing. And in describing the German side of the treaty signing, I have focused
solely on the pain and suffering inflicted on the spirit of the German people. Why?
Aside from setting up the League of Nations, the entire peace treaty was written to
deal with Germany. Germany is made up of the Germanic peoples, who have long been
celebrated in history for possessing the characteristic of towering strength. When one
dynasty is on the brink of collapse, a new sharp sword appears, which the peoples of
the whole world can scarcely resist. We do not see the bellicose spirit of Germany as
having been unleashed solely by one man, the Kaiser. The Kaiser is the crystallization
of the German people. Because there is a German people, there is a Kaiser. The
German people have in recent years been molded by the philosophical ideas of “striving
upward,” of “action,” of Nietzsche, Fichte, Goethe, and Paulsen. The call to arise when
opportunity strikes has been loud and clear. Even today, they still do not admit defeat.
“No war guilt.” Of all the peoples of the world, the spirit of the German people is
richest in “greatness.” A spirit of “greatness” alone can overcome all difficulties, can
seek to realize, bring to fruition this “greatness.” Even while detesting the Kaiser’s
bellicose spirit and indiscriminate use of force, we can also shed tears of warm sympathy,
moved by his spirit of “greatness.” The German people have been defeated, and that
is over. They have accepted even these humiliating painful conditions. With this first
turnaround, they have already changed from an imperial monarchy into a republic. In
the second turnaround, perhaps they will not even want to be a republic.51 I would
venture to make a rough judgment on this. We can see that England and France to
the west are their enemies, can we not? If England and France are Germany’s enemies,
are not Russia, Austria, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, and Poland to the east and south
its friends? Where else would they turn if not to countries such as Russia, Austria,
Hungary, and Czechoslovakia? If they are to become associated with
Russia, Austria, Hungary, and Czechoslovakia, they must change into a system that
is compatible with that of Russia, Austria, Hungary, and Czechoslovakia. That the
social revolutions in Russia and Hungary have been successful goes without saying. The
same trend also exists in Hungary52 and Czechoslovakia. The other day, the teletype

--- Notes

42 Ulrich Karl Christian, Count von Brockdorff-Rantzau (1869–1928), foreign minister and head of
the German delegation.
43 This is a greatly condensed paraphrase of some points in the original. For the full text of Rantzau’s
speech, see Graf Brockdorff-Rantzau, Dokumente und Gedanken um Versailles (Berlin: Verlag fur Kulturpolitik, 1925), pp. 70–73.
44 Philipp Scheidemann, Social Democratic Party, chancellor of the first cabinet of the German
Republic formed February 13, 1919, following the election of Ebert as president on February 11.


45 The composition of the National Assembly elected on January 19, 1919, was as follows:
46 I.e., the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk signed on March 3, 1918, between the German Empire and Soviet
Russia, and the German-Rumanian treaty signed in Bucharest on May 7,1918.


47 See above, the note to the text of July 14, 1919, “The Arrest and Rescue of Chen Duxiu.”
48 Eduard Bernstein, long a leading “revisionist” of Marxism in the German Social- Democratic
Party, worked with moderates among the Independent Socialists in an attempt to approve signing the
treaty.


51 Johannes Bell of the Centrist Party was concurrently minister of colonies and minister of transport
in the Bauer cabinet. The Ministry of Colonies was abolished on November?, 1919.
52 Minguo, literally “people’s country” or “citizens’ country,” the term commonly used at the time
for Westem-style republics, and which had been used since 1912 in Zhonghua minguo, the Republic of