NEW TASKS AND NEW FORCES
3) New forces. 4) Vacillations.
5) [Release] from work now. Struve and legality].
6) A different [release] from work.
7) Organization].
8) Learn in battle.
9) No people.
New
1891 – (1895)
from circles to economic ag[i- tation]:
a Not immediately.
Inertia.
Unaccustomedness.
New tasks.
1898 – 1901.
[From economic] agitation to political agitation and open
political] demonstrations].
Not immediately.
New tasks.
Inertia.
New forces.
1905.
from political] agitation and demonstration] to crying out a revolution (dictature).
Not immediately.
Tailism.
Disorganized
Martynovism.

NEW TASKS AND NEW FORCES.
The development of the mass labor movement in Russia in connection with the development of Social-Democracy is characterized by three remarkable transitions. The first transition is from narrow propaganda circles to broad economic agitation among the masses; the second is to political agitation on a large scale and to open street demonstrations; [finally] the third is to real civil war, to direct revolutionary struggle, to armed popular [17)] uprising. Each of these transitions was prepared, on the one hand, by the work of socialist thought primarily in one direction, and on the other hand, by profound changes in the conditions of life and in the entire mental structure of the working class, by the awakening of newer and newer layers of it to a more conscious and active struggle. These changes sometimes occurred silently, the accumulation of forces by the proletariat took place behind the scenes, imperceptibly, often causing disappointment among intellectuals in the strength and vitality of the mass movement. Then a turning point came, and the entire revolutionary movement seemed to immediately rise to a new, higher level. New tasks arose practically before the proletariat and its advanced detachment, Social-Democracy, and for the solution of these tasks, new forces seemed to grow out of the ground, which no one had suspected on the eve of the turning point. But all this did not happen immediately, not without hesitation, not without a struggle of trends within Social-Democracy, not without returns to outdated views that seemed long ago to have outlived their usefulness and been buried.
One of such periods of vacillation is being experienced
| now
by Social-Democracy in Russia. | [18)] There was a time when the transition to political agitation was breaking through opportunistic theories, when they were afraid that there were not enough forces for new tasks, when the lagging of Social-Democracy behind the demands of the proletariat was justified by the inappropriately frequent repetition of the word "class" or by a tailist interpretation of the relationship of the party to the class. The course of the movement swept away all these short-sighted fears and backward views. Now a new upsurge is again accompanied, albeit in a somewhat different form, by a struggle against outdated circles and trends. Economists have been reborn in the person of the new-Iskrists. In order to adapt our tactics and organization to the new tasks [of the immediate revolutionary struggle], we have to overcome the resistance of opportunistic theories regarding the "highest type of demonstrations" (the plan for the zemstvo campaign) or regarding the "organization-as-process," we have to fight against the reactionary fear of "appointing" an uprising or of the revolutionary democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry. | The lagging of Social-Democracy behind the pressing demands of the proletariat is again justified by the immoderately frequent (and very often unintelligent) repetition of the word "class" and by the belittling of the tasks of the party in relation to the class. The slogan of "workers' self-activity" is again abused, revering the lower forms of self-activity and ignoring the higher forms of truly Social-Democratic self-activity, truly revolutionary initiative of the proletariat itself. | [17)]

NEW TASKS AND NEW FORCES
There is not the slightest doubt that the course of the movement will sweep away this time as well [and even more quickly] all these vestiges of outdated and lifeless views. Such a sweeping away must consist, however, not merely in refuting old errors, but even incomparably more in positive revolutionary work on the practical implementation of new tasks, on attracting new forces to our party and utilizing them, which are now being advanced to the revolutionary arena in such a gigantic mass [under the influence of the irresistible course of events]. It is precisely these questions of positive revolutionary work that should constitute the main subject of the upcoming Third Congress, it is on them that all members of our party should now concentrate all their thoughts in their local and general work. What are the new tasks facing us, we have repeatedly said in general terms: expanding agitation to new strata of the urban and rural poor, creating a broader, more mobile, and stronger organization, preparing an uprising and arming the people, agreeing with revolutionary democracy for these purposes. What are the new forces for the implementation of these tasks - the news of general strikes throughout Russia, of strikes and the revolutionary mood of the youth, the democratic intelligentsia in general, and even many circles of the bourgeoisie, speaks eloquently about this. The existence of these huge fresh forces, | full confidence that even the current revolutionary ferment, never before seen in Russia, has only yet covered a small fraction of the entire gigantic stock of flammable material in the working class and peasantry - all this guarantees fully and unconditionally! [19)], that the new tasks can be solved and will necessarily be solved. The practical question facing us consists above all in how exactly to use, direct, unite, organize these new forces, how exactly to concentrate Social-Democratic work mainly on the new higher tasks advanced by the moment, while by no means forgetting those old and usual tasks that [stood] stand and will stand before us as long as the world of capitalist exploitation lasts.
To outline some ways of resolving this practical question, let us begin with one particular, but in our opinion, very characteristic example. Recently, just on the eve of the beginning of the revolution, the liberal-bourgeois *Osvobozhdenie* (No. 63

Lenin's Collected Works touched on the question of the organizational work of Social-Democracy*).
[(JMS 63)] Carefully following the struggle of the two tendencies in Social-
Democracy, *Liberation* did not fail to take advantage once again of the turn of the new *Iskra* towards Economism and to emphasize
(regarding the demagogic pamphlet *Rabochii*) its deep principled sympathy with [the latter, i.e., with] Economism.*
The liberal organ [completely] correctly [noted] remarked that
from this pamphlet [*Rabochii*] (see about it in No. 2 *Vperyod*) follows the
inevitable denial or diminution of the role of revolutionary Social-
Democracy.
And regarding the completely incorrect statements of *Rabochii* about the ignoring of the economic struggle after the victory
of the orthodox Marxists, *Liberation* says:
“The illusion of contemporary
Russian
Social-Democracy lies in the fact that it is afraid of cultural work, afraid of legal paths, afraid of Economism, afraid of so-called non-political
forms of the working movement, not understanding that only
cultural work, legal and non-political forms can create a sufficiently solid and sufficiently broad basis for
such a movement of the working class that would deserve the name of revolutionary.” And *Liberation* advises the Liberationists
“to take the initiative in the cause of creating a professional
working movement” not against Social-Democracy, but together with it,
and a parallel is drawn with the conditions of the German working
movement in the era of the exceptional law against socialists.
This is not the place to talk about this parallel, which is deeply mistaken. [Here] It is necessary first of all to restore
the truth about the attitude of Social-Democracy to legal forms
of the working movement. “The legalization of non-socialist and non-political workers’ unions in Russia has already begun,” it was said
in 1902 in *What Is To Be Done?* “We can no longer ignore
this tendency.” How to reckon with it? [there] the question is posed
and the necessity of exposing not only Zubatov’s teachings, but also all harmonious, liberal speeches on the theme of "class collaboration" is pointed out (*Liberation*, inviting SocialDemocrats to collaborate, fully recognizes the first task and is silent about the second). “To do this,” it is said

*) Here in the manuscript ends the reworked beginning of the article “New
Tasks and New Forces.” Further in the manuscript goes the 7th page, from which begins the general ending for both of the aforementioned articles (“Burning
Questions of the Day” and “New Tasks and New Forces”). Ed.

NEW TASKS AND NEW FORCES
[by Lenin] further, “does not at all mean forgetting that in the end
the legalization of the labor movement will benefit precisely
us, and not the Zubatovs
20).” We separate the chaff from the wheat, exposing Zubatovism and liberalism in legal
assemblies.
“The wheat is the attraction of the attention of even broader and
most backward layers of workers to social and political
questions, it is the liberation of us, revolutionaries,
from such functions that are essentially legal (distribution of legal books, mutual aid, etc.) and the development of which will inevitably
give us more and more material for agitation.”
From this it is clearly seen that, on the question of “fear” of legal
forms of movement, *Liberation* has entirely become a victim of illusion. Revolutionary SocialDemocrats not only [were not afraid and] are not afraid of these forms, but point directly [and always point] to the existence in them of both chaff and wheat. With its
reasoning, *Liberation* only covers up, therefore, the real (and well-founded) fear of the liberals before the exposure by the revolutionary Social-Democracy of the class essence of liberalism.
But we are especially interested in [at the present time the question of]
from the point of view of [new] [question] present tasks [and new forces]
the question of the liberation of revolutionaries from a part of their functions.
It is precisely the moment of the beginning of the revolution that we are experiencing that gives
this question a particularly topical and particularly broad significance. “The more energetically we conduct the revolutionary struggle,
the more the government will be forced to legalize a part
of professional work, removing part of our burden from us” [.Lenin wrote], it was said in *What Is To Be Done?* But an energetic revolutionary struggle frees us from “part of our burden” not only in this way, but also in many others. The moment we are experiencing has not only "legalized" much that
was previously prohibited. It has so expanded the movement,
that apart from governmental legalization, it has become common practice,
has become ordinary, accessible to the masses much [and much] that
previously was considered accessible and was accessible only to
[professional] revolutionaries. The entire historical course of development of the SocialDemocratic movement is characterized by the fact that
it wins for itself, despite all obstacles, ever more
[and more] significant freedom of action, [in fact,] contrary to the laws of Tsarism and the measures of the police. The revolutionary proletariat as it were, surrounds itself with a certain atmosphere of sympathy and support inaccessible to the government
both in the working class and in other classes (sharing, of course, only a small part
of the demands of working democracy). At the beginning of the movement, the Social-Democrat had to perform a mass | almost | 17) cultural
work 21), [recall the nature of the classes with working circles of the first
half of the 90s. At the beginning of the movement, a huge part of the revolutionary’s energy was absorbed by "strike-ism", and this was inevitable, necessary
and useful for the movement, for only this ensured a truly broad base for class work.] devote his forces almost exclusively to economic agitation. And one such function after another
is increasingly passing into the hands of new forces, wider layers [younger forces], drawn into the movement. [In the hands of [revolutionary]
organizations] The function of | 22) real political leadership
| the function of j 23) indicating SocialDemocratic
conclusions from [new and new] manifestations of worker protest and popular
discontent was increasingly concentrated in the hands of revolutionary organizations. At first we had to teach the workers to read and write
both literally and figuratively. Now the level of political literacy has increased so gigantically that one can and should
concentrate all one's forces on more immediate Social-
Democratic goals of the organized leadership of the revolutionary stream. Now liberals and the legal press are doing a mass of
that "preparatory" work that has occupied our forces too much up to now. Now the open, not persecuted by the weakened government, propaganda [and agitation] of democratic
ideas and demands has spread so widely, that we must
| adapt | 24) to a completely new scale of the movement.
[Extremely vividly testifies to this the letter of a St. Petersburg
comrade, which we placed in the previous issue. Being under the immediate impression of the turbulent atmosphere of revolutionary St. Petersburg, he points out how the demand for Social-Democratic
leadership has grown tenfold (both in oral and in printed agitation and propaganda), how the liberals are using the new, freer conditions not only for "technical" services to the revolution and the labor movement (with what technical
merits the silly politicians of the new *Iskra* would like to limit their work), but for political influence on the masses in a completely definite liberal direction.] Of course, in this preparatory
work there is both chaff and wheat; of course, Social-Democrats
will now have to pay more and more attention to the struggle
against the influence of bourgeois democracy on the workers. But precisely such
[struggle] work will contain much more effec-

NEW TASKS AND NEW FORCES
indeed, of a social-democratic content than our previous activity, aimed mainly at awakening politically unconscious masses.
[As the immediate conclusion follows from this for Social Democrats]
The more the popular movement expands, the more the true nature of [different layers of society,] different classes is revealed, the more urgent the task of the party to lead the class, to be the [vanguard] of its organizer, and not to trail behind events.
The more all sorts of revolutionary initiative develops everywhere and always, the more obvious becomes the emptiness and meaninglessness of Economistic words about initiative in general, repeated so willingly by every shouter, the more significant becomes the social-democratic initiative, the higher the demands made by events on our revolutionary initiative. The wider the new and newer streams of social movement, the more important is a strong SocialDemocratic organization, able [to work with triple energy] to create new [channels] courses for [this movement] these streams. The more the democratic propaganda and agitation, which is independent of us, works in our favor, the more important is the organized leadership of the Social Democracy [, which now directly faces not so much the task of politically awakening the sleeping masses, but the task of winning back the awakened and awakening masses under the influence of liberal and revolutionary democrats, who are not sufficiently conscious (or sometimes directly hostile to Social Democracy), being brought to the surface by the waves of general excitement.] to protect the independence of the working class from bourgeois democracy.

A revolutionary epoch for Social Democracy is the same as wartime for an army. We must expand the ranks of our army, transfer it from peacetime to wartime contingents, mobilize reserves and reservists, call up those who have received leave under the banners, establish new auxiliary corps, detachments, and services. We must not forget that in war it is inevitable and necessary to replenish our ranks with less prepared recruits, to replace officers with ordinary soldiers all the time, to accelerate and simplify the production of soldiers into officers.

Speaking without metaphors: it is necessary [to increase tenfold] to greatly expand the composition of all kinds of party and party-affiliated organizations, in order to at least keep pace with the hundredfold increased [“spring”] flow of popular revolutionary energy. This does not mean, of course, that one should leave in the shadows

LENIN'S COLLECTION sustained preparation and systematic training in the truths of Marxism. No, but it must be remembered that now [a thousand times] much more important in the matter of preparation and training are the very military operations, which teach the unprepared precisely in our and entirely in our direction. We must remember that our [dogmatic and] “doctrinaire” [(for the dilettante)] fidelity to Marxism is now reinforced [especially significantly, because] by the fact that the course of revolutionary events gives objective lessons to the masses everywhere and these lessons confirm precisely our dogma. We are not talking about abandoning dogma, therefore, not about weakening our distrustful and suspicious attitude towards vague intellectuals and revolutionary windbags, quite the opposite. We are talking about new methods of teaching dogma, which it would be impermissible for a Social Democrat to [overlook] forget. [We proved earlier in books that only the proletariat is a truly and entirely revolutionary class: this must be taught now, using the illumination of events known to everyone. We proved in books the bourgeois nature of our liberalism, arguing at least with the Socialists*-Revolutionaries (cf. No. 3 Vperyod). This is becoming clear now from the appearance on the scene of the direct leaders of the bourgeoisie. We went out and proved the unsuitability of individual terror and the need to merge it with the mass movement: people who are most unbelieving, most skeptical about the mass movement are now forcibly led to this conclusion by the events themselves.] We are talking about how important it is now to use the visual lessons of great revolutionary events to teach not circles already, but masses our old "dogmatic" lessons about, for example, the need to merge terror with the uprising of the masses in practice, that behind the liberalism of educated Russian society one must be able to see the class interests of our bourgeoisie (cfompare the polemic on this issue with the Socialists-Revolutionaries in K1 3 Vperyod).

So it is not about weakening our SocialDemocratic exactingness, our orthodox irreconcilability [we are talking about], but about strengthening both with new paths, new teaching methods. [In peacetime, soldiers are taught "literature", parades and [marches. In wartime [hunting teams learn on hunting expeditions] recruits must be taught directly on military operations. Take bolder new teaching methods, comrades! More boldly form new and new [hunting] „squads, send them into battle, recruit [as much] working youth [as possible], expand [as much as possible] the usual framework of all party organizations, from committees to factory groups, trade union alliances, student circles! Remember that any delay [your] our in this matter will benefit the enemies of Social Democracy, because new [forces] [spring] streams are looking for a way out immediately and, not finding Social-Democratic [channels] courses, they will rush into a non-Social-Democratic one. Remember that [every and] every practical step of the revolutionary movement will inevitably and inevitably teach young recruits precisely social-democratic [military] science, because this science is based on [correct, sober] an objectively-correct accounting of the forces and tendencies of various classes, and revolution is nothing more than the breaking of old superstructures and [initiative] independent actions of [these] different classes, [manifesting each their independent desire for their [special] striving in their own way to create a new superstructure. Do not belittle only our revolutionary science to one book dogma, do not [belittle] vulgarize it with contemptible phrases about tactics-process, organization-process, phrases that [only philistinely] justify discord, indecision, lack of initiative. Let's give more space to the most diverse [military] enterprises of the most diverse [hunting teams,] groups and circles, remembering that the correctness of their path, in addition to our advice and apart from our advice, is ensured by the inexorable demands of [the military campaign itself, i.e.] the very course of revolutionary events. It has long been said that in politics you often have to learn from the enemy. And in revolutionary moments, the enemy always imposes the correct conclusions on us especially instructively [especially impressively and especially] and quickly.

| So, let's summarize: we must reckon with the hundredfold increased movement, with the new pace of work, with the [new] more free atmosphere, with the [new,] wider field of activity. A completely different scope of all work is needed. It is necessary to shift the center of gravity of teaching methods from peaceful teaching lessons to military *) [expeditions of hunting teams] actions. It is necessary to recruit younger fighters more boldly, widely and quickly into the ranks of all and sundry our organizations. For this, it is necessary to create [now and immediately], without delaying for a minute,

*) The word "military" was corrected to "active" by an unknown hand. Ed.

hundreds of new organizations.
Yes, hundreds, this is not hyperbole! *)
And
[it would be a mistaken opinion] do not object to me that now
it is "too late" to engage in such broad organizational work. No, it is never too late to organize. [Every] And every freedom acquired by us according to the law [or] and seized by us contrary to
the law [of work] we must use to multiply and strengthen all and sundry party organizations.
Whatever the course and outcome of the revolution [no matter how far they
go,] no matter how early those or other circumstances stop it, all of its real acquisitions will be durable and true
only to the extent of the organization of the proletariat. j 17)
[Stimulus] The slogan: organize! which the supporters of the majority wanted to give in formalized form at the second party congress,
must be implemented now immediately. If we fail to boldly, proactively create new organizations, we must
then abandon the empty claims to the role of the vanguard. If
we helplessly stop at the already achieved limits, forms and frameworks of committees, groups, [organizations,] gatherings of circles, we will prove by this our incompetence. [Hundreds] Thousands of circles
are now arising [everywhere and] everywhere apart from us, [without any form-
ality, without any plan,] without any definite program or goal, simply under the influence of events [, simply by virtue of the current,
irresistibly seizing even the seemingly inert elements]. It is necessary
that [the social democrat becomes omnipresent, so that his energy does not weaken, so that he gives an impetus to every new circle] social democrats
set themselves the task of creating and strengthening direct
relations with as many such circles as possible, so that they
provide them with assistance, enlighten [him] with reserves of their | forces | 26)
and experience, enliven with their revolutionary initiative. Let all
such circles, except for those consciously non-social democratic or
directly join the party or adjoin the party. In the latter
case, one cannot demand either the adoption of our program or mandatory organizational relations with us: one is enough
| a feeling of protest | 27), [some at least vague democratic and
revolutionary aspirations,] one | sympathy for the cause of international revolutionary social democracy | 28), so that from such ad-
joining circles, with an energetic performance before us, *) The word "hyperbole" was corrected to "exaggeration" by an unknown hand. Ed.

NEW TASKS AND NEW FORCES
of social democrats, under the pressure of [the very] course of events, first [ardent] democratic assistants to the social-
democratic labor party were developed, and then [zealous and] convinced members of it.
There are a mass of people and there are no people - this contradictory formula
has long fit the contradictions of the organizational life
and organizational needs of social democracy. And this con-
tradiction appears with particular force now: one equally often
hears from all corners of the country passionate appeals for new forces [new
workers], complaints about the lack of people in [s.-d.] organizations,
and along with this everywhere and everywhere a gigantic offer of services,
growth of young forces, especially among the working class [but also
among other classes of society]. An organizer-practitioner who, under
such conditions complains about the lack of people, falls into the same
illusion into which, in the era of |culminating 29) development of the great French Revolution, Madame Roland fell, writing
in 1793: there are no people in France, everything [mediocrity] pygmies
around. Whoever says this, does not see the forest for the trees, he
admits that he has been blinded by events, that he, the revolutionary, does not control them in his consciousness and in his activity, but
they control him, they overwhelmed him. Such an organizer is better
to [leave] retire, make way for young forces, who energy ! will more than compensate for [the usual and rote] routine

There are people, never has revolutionary Russia had such a mass of people as now. Never has the revolutionary class had such |damn|31) favorable conditions -
in relation to temporary allies, conscious friends, involuntary accomplices - as the contemporary Russian proletariat.
There are a mass of people, one must only throw overboard tail-ender thoughts
and [theories] teachings, one must only give free rein to initiative and initiative, "plans" and "enterprises," and then we will be worthy representatives of the great revolutionary class, then
[the heroic] proletariat of Russia will as heroically [create] carry out
the entire great Russian revolution, as heroically as it began it. *)
*) "The Beginning of the Revolution in Russia" - an article by Lenin in No. 4 of "Vperyod".
Written January 25 (12), 1905. (Works, vol. 7II, p. 79.)
2)
The article "A Firm Course" (by A. Lunacharsky) in No. 5 of "Vperyod", dated
February 7 (January 25), 1905.
Lenin Miscellany, V

3) Lenin's article "Two Tactics)). ("Vperyod)) No. 6, dated February 14 (1 February
1905) (Works, vol. VII, p. 108.)
4) A letter from S. I. Gusev in A? 8 "Vperyod" - correspondence from
St. Petersburg.
5) Struve's article "The Pressing Task of the Time", "Osvobozhdenie)), A? 63,
dated January 20 (7), 1905. Lenin has in mind the following words of this
article: "The illusion of modern Russian social democracy lies
in the fact that it is afraid of "cultural work," afraid of "legal paths,"
afraid of "economism"... The labor movement must also go through this
preparatory class of political education."
6) About the liberation of revolutionaries
from part of their functions see "New Tasks and New Forces" (p. 107).
7) Words from Struve's article mentioned above. See footnote e.
8) The pages are indicated according to the Geneva edition (Works, vol. IV, p. 449.)
9) Both phrases are quotations from L. Martov's article "January Ninth" in No. 85 of "Iskra", dated February 9 (January 27), 1905.
10) Struve's words from his preface to Witte's "Note" "Autocracy and Zemstvo".
11) Tant mieux - so much the better.
1a) In No. 3 of "Vperyod" is the article "From Populism to Marxism". (Works..
vol. VII, pp. 70 - 75.)
13) The article that is being discussed here is "An Issue of the Day" (see above, pp.
97 - 99).
14) The numbers 3, 4, 5, 7, 8 - I1, 13-14, 17-18, 20, 21 are references to the pages of the manuscript of the article "An Issue of the Day".
15) "Three Passes", "Three Transitions", "Three Ascents" - see further stages
of the growth of new tasks: 1) 1891 - 1895, 2) 1898 - 1901, 3) 1905.
16) Finish - the end.
17) The words enclosed between two lines were
omitted in "Vperyod".
18) Instead of the words enclosed between two lines, "Vperyod"
printed: "again our party".
19j Instead of the words enclosed between two lines, "Vperyod":
"especially in the working class and peasantry - there is sufficient guarantee for that."
20) Instead of "Zubatovites" in "Vperyod": "Zubatovites".
21) In "Vperyod" here is inserted: "or".
22) The words: "was concentrated" Function" in the manuscript were corrected by an unknown hand to: "the matter was concentrated" and entered the press in this form.
23) The word: "Function" in the manuscript was corrected by an unknown hand to
"matter" and entered the press in this form.
24) Instead of "adjust" in "Vperyod": "to adjust".
25) Instead of the words: "every ranter"
in "Vperyod": "New-Iskrists".
26) The word "forces" was corrected in the manuscript by an unknown hand to: "knowledge"
and so it entered the press.
27) Instead of the words: "feeling of protest" in "Vperyod" was printed: "revolutionary feeling".

NEW TASKS AND NEW FORCES
28)
Instead of the words enclosed between two lines, "Vperyod"
printed: "a desire to help the struggle against autocracy".
29) The word: "culminating" in the manuscript was corrected by an unknown
hand to "highest" and entered the press in this form.
30) The words enclosed between two lines in the manuscript were corrected
by an unknown hand to: "will more than compensate for the routine danger"; in "Vperyod" was printed: "can compensate for a lack of experience".
Citing a quote from the "Memoirs" of the Girondist Roland, written by her
in prison in 1793, Vl. Ilyich could use the French edition:
"Memoires de Madam Roland" (In the 1861 edition. Paris, p. 352), or the German translation (In the 1844 edition, p. 335).
31) The word: "damn" in the manuscript was corrected by an unknown hand to
"extraordinarily" and entered the press in this form.