21.
Dear A. M.!
The Vorkonferenz (I) has been postponed until 5/IX *).
Högland and the left-wing Norwegians (but what about the Danes?) MUST
obtain an invitation themselves. And send their statements, requests, and decla
rations to us (for the Central Committee)
in writing, signed, sealed, in one of the 3 international languages.
Big greetings to Alexander] (why is he ONLY criticizing my project? Give me your amendments, s’il vous plaît 2)!) —
and to you for successful work among the left-wing of Scandinavia.
Yours, Lenin.
I think it is unlikely that the conference will happen soon, if at all.
But let Höglund PREPARE seriously and quickly.
And do you agree on a general manifesto of the left from different countries
(regardless of the conference)?
*) This refers to the Zimmerwald Conference itself, and not the
proposed second preliminary conference (Vorkonferenz).
2) Please.
A. Kollontai.
[August 1915]

A. Kollontai.
It turns out that 5-IX will be not a Vorkonferenz 1), but the conference itself. So time is of the essence.
You must strain every effort to try to send
Höglund or the most left-wing and most solid Norwegian,
so that no later than 3/IX they were definitely here (I need to
telephone from Bern to Lörenberg, hotel Mariental—(Kanton
Luzern, telephon I. II — (I. II).
If it is absolutely impossible for any of them to come, then
let them immediately (so that 2-3-IX I have it for sure) send
a registered letter either a transfer of mandate to our Central Committee. (Formal mandate in German or French]), — or (if they
do not agree to give a mandate) their statement of solidarity with the Central Committee -[-
their Prinzipienerklärung2) -f- (necessarily) a letter to the conference
with instructions to our Central Committee to announce it (resp. to vote, if
possible).
The crux of the struggle will be: whether to declare in the Prinzipienerklärung
a relentless (up to a split) struggle against opportunism = social-
chauvinism. Achieve precisely on this point as much clarity and firmness of wording as possible.
Drop me a postcard immediately about whether you have received this letter,
whether you hope (are you sure?) that they will do such and such.
(Greetings to Alexander 1). Salut! 3)
Yours, Lenin.
*) See, note 1 to letter 21.
2) Fundamental statement, declaration.
-) Greetings, [End of August 1915]
Dear A. M.!

23.
Dear Alexander!
Regarding the plan for your trip, I find it very difficult to give
decisive advice from afar. Our financial affairs are known to you:
Nadezhda Konstantinovna wrote in detail (in addition to those sent,
600 francs are promised by 10/X -f- 400 francs in another month.
Total 1000 francs.
There is no hope for more for now).
On the one hand, extreme caution is needed. Do you have
quite good papers? and so on?
On the other hand, it would definitely be useful now for the cause,
if a person, fully informed and independent, visited 2-3 centers, established connections,
established relations and immediately returned to Sweden to pass on
all connections to us and discuss the further situation. This
would be archi-important.
№1 of "Kommunist" will be released in 8-10 days; then in as many days № 2 (or №1 - 2 together ) 1).
№ 44 of the Central Organ will be released in 1-2 days.
The pamphlet on the war 2) with all the documents will be released
in about two weeks.
It is already in typesetting.
Events in Russia fully confirmed our position, which the foolish social-patriots (from Alexinsky to Chkheidze) dubbed
defeatism. The facts have shown we were right!! Military
failures help to undermine tsarism and facilitate the union of
revolutionary workers of Russia and other countries. They say: what will "you"
do if "you", the revolutionaries, defeat tsarism? I answer:
(1) our victory will ignite the "left" movement in Germany 100 times over; (2) if "we"
were to completely defeat tsarism, we would offer peace to all belligerents on democratic terms,
and in case of refusal, we would wage a revolutionary war.
To A. Shlyapnikov.
23/VIII 1915.

LENIN MISCELLANY.
It is clear that the advanced layer of the Pravdist workers, this pillar
of our party, has survived despite the terrible devastation in its ranks.
It would be extremely important for leading groups to unite in 2-3 centers (archi-conspiratorial), to connect
with us, to restore the bureau of the Central Committee (already exists
in St. Petersburg, it seems) and the Central Committee itself in Russia;
to connect with us firmly (if necessary, 1-2 people should be brought to Sweden for this); we would send leaflets and pamphlets, etc. The most important thing is solid, constant relations.
Chkheidze and Co. are clearly dodging: they are faithful friends of "Our
Cause", Alexinsky is pleased with them (I hope you saw Plekhanov's "War" -f- Alexinsky -(- Co.? What a shame!!) and they also "play"
at leftism with the help of Trotsky!! I think conscious Pravdists
will not be fooled!
Write how you decide! Greetings.
Yours, Lenin.
P. S. Will A. Kollontai agree to help us arrange
an English edition of our pamphlet in America?
1) "Kommunist" No. 1 — 2, 1915, ed. P. and N. Kievsky (Yu. Pyatakov and E. Bosh), 196 pp. Contents:
From the Editors.
N. Bukharin:
World economy and imperialism.
K. Radek:
A quarter century of the development of imperialism.
A. Pannekoek: Imperialism and the tasks of the proletariat.
N. Lenin: The Collapse of the Second International.
G. Zinoviev:
Russian Social Democracy and Russian Social Chauvinism.
F. R[ot-
stein]: Discord in England.
A.
Kollontai: Why was the German proletariat silent in the July days?
A. Beletsky [A. Shlyapnikov]:
Working-class Petersburg and the war.
M. Bronstein: War and Finance
of Russia. P. Kievsky [Yu. Pyatakov]: Comrade in arms.N. Lenin:
The Honest
Voice of the
French
Socialist.
N. Lenin:
Imperialism and Socialism in Italy.
Forgotten words: 1) The Basel Manifesto.
2) The Chemnitz Resolution.
2) This refers to the pamphlet by G. Zinoviev and V. I. Lenin "Socialism
and War," published in 1915 in Geneva, ed. of "Sotsial-Demokrata."

24.
[August — September 1915].
Dear
Alexandr!
Regarding leaflets it is very and very good that you are taking it on.
We are drawing up a detailed plan for them and will soon send it to you and N. I-ch 1).
But, you know, it is still absolutely desirable that N. I. write the leaflets in 2 copies
at once (with copying pencil with an intermediate black paper),
and you (or he himself) would immediately send the 2nd copy
to us. For leaflets are a very responsible thing and the most difficult of all types
of literature.
Therefore, it is necessary to think more carefully and consult collectively. Given the slowness of typesetting,
printing and transport, the loss of time in sending it here is relatively small and in any case insignificant compared to the importance of thoughtful appeals.
How do you think to sign the leaflets?
You forgot to write about this.
Kollontai's pamphlet 2) is good in concept. But the topic is archi-
difficult; to write with such a degree of popularity is archi-difficult.
In my opinion, corrections are required.
I have already written to her about this, asking for her consent to the corrections 3). If she gives it, I already have
a ready-made draft of corrections, and then things will move quickly.
Regarding the trip to your country 4), things are dragging on for us,
firstly, due to lack of finances (and the road is expensive, and life there),
secondly, police suspicion. .We will wait, perhaps, for the
return of Bedeshsha 5) and his news from home.
I shake your hand firmly.
Yours, Lenin/.
To A. Shlyapnikov.

LENIN MISCELLANY.
[Postscript by N. K. Krupskaya,]
Aren't there any party connections with anyone in Finland?
One of our girls is going there, asking for connections; in party terms, she is an inexperienced person, and despite all the desire, is of little use, but a very good person.
So appropriate connections are needed.
What are the conditions of life in Finland for illegal migrants?
*) N. I. Bukharin.
2) Pamphlet by A. M. Kollontai "Who Needs War?"
3) This letter from Vladimir Ilyich, as well as those corrections to A. M. Kollontai's pamphlet, which Vladimir Ilyich writes about, are not available to the Institute.
4) Vladimir Ilyich intended to move to one of the neutral countries and instructed comrade Shlyapnikov to prepare for this. Comrade Shlyapnikov was probing the ground with Branting, who guaranteed security on the condition of non-interference in the affairs of the Swedish party. The move did not materialize for the reasons indicated in the text of the letter.
5) Here and in some of the following letters, Vladimir Ilyich, addressing the letter to Shlyapnikov, calls him Belenin in the letters themselves. This was done for greater conspiracy and especially in connection with the proposed trip of Shlyapnikov - Belenin to Russia.