Date: 1922
Source: ru:PSS/v54
Source: CW vol 54

and discussed. We in Russia have always acted in this way; it was precisely the interpretation of the means of struggle that was the subject of disputes between Plekhanov and me in the pre-revolutionary years. When, in 1847, the objective historical situation placed Germany on the threshold of revolution, Marx and Engels, from London, issued an appeal in which they called for violence. The German movement stands before a decision.

If we are indeed on the eve of a revolutionary epoch in which the masses will turn to revolutionary struggle, then we must also mention the means necessary for this struggle. According to the revisionist concept of David and others, this is, of course, useless: they do not believe at all that we are on the eve of a revolutionary epoch. We, those who believe in this, must act differently. One cannot make a revolution without explaining revolutionary tactics. This was the worst feature of the Second International, that it always avoided explanations, which the Dutch Marxist tribunists quite rightly called the "passive revolutionism" of the German center.

Now, on the question of persecutions. In Germany, you must generally act not only legally if you want real action. You must combine legal activity with illegal. The old methods no longer satisfy in the new situation. You yourselves say: we are heading towards an era of great class battles. Then you must also have the means for this. And it is by no means necessary to issue a manifesto with signatures; it can be issued without signatures. In any case, you should not act semi-legally, as, for example, Clara Zetkin does. This requires too many sacrifices.

The matter stands thus: either there is really revolutionary struggle or just empty talk, which will only help the deserters, against whom Liebknecht speaks so sharply in this letter. To come out for peace means nothing. David also writes: we are not for war, but only against defeat. Everyone wants peace. We must, taking into account the new situation, apply new, specific means of struggle, which must not resemble either the old German or the Russian ones.

I disagree with Serrati that the resolution will appear either too early or too late. After this war, other wars will be waged, mainly colonial wars. If the proletariat does not deviate from the path of social-imperialism, proletarian solidarity will be completely destroyed, therefore we must determine a single tactic. If we adopt only a manifesto, then Vandervelde, "L'Humanite," and others will again deceive the masses; they will say that they are also against war and for peace. The same ambiguity will remain as before.

Published for the first time, from the conference protocols

Translated from German

THE SECOND INTERNATIONAL

SOCIALIST CONFERENCE

IN KINTAL