Date: 1911
Source: ru:PSS/v49

Source: PSS vol 49

We are currently hosting Lyudmila (who is traveling to Russia). From Paris comes this news: Trotsky and his comrades intend, immediately following the International Leftists’ Conference, to convene a conference of Russian communists—meaning, apparently, the Central Committee, the Executive Committee, and “Our Word.” First, at the Leftists’ Conference, they plan to adopt a “common left-wing” resolution—and then, having thereby demonstrated the “leftist” credentials of “Our Word” and the Executive Committee—which, it is assumed, will vote in favor of everything—Madchen für alle*—they will propose that we (perhaps “in front of everyone”?) join them in a joint conference of Russian communists, only to use our refusal as ammunition against us…

The intrigue is quite intriguing! Immediately make a copy of Radek’s draft No. 125 for your own records—and return the draft to me without delay!—and let us carefully deliberate on our tactical approach.

Should we submit amendments to Radek right away? (+ a resolute struggle against the opportunists; + civil war; + a split with the opportunists.) Or should we introduce our own draft and, after it is rejected, vote in favor of Radek’s proposal? Or perhaps do both?

To oppose “Our Word’s” participation, we must lodge a formal written protest—two key reasons: first, parties are permitted to participate—they are not merely “parts of parties.” Let them claim they are part of the Executive Committee. Second, there is the issue of dual representation: Martov sits both on the Executive Committee and in “Our Word.”

This is absolutely essential.*

We must prepare the Central Committee’s delegation. We need experts in every language: Inessa for French and English; but what about German? If Kinkel has already departed, shouldn’t we bring Haritonov from Zurich? (Lyudmila, it seems, would like to go—but…). What about expenses? Where will the conference be held? How long will it last? Let us think these matters through well in advance.

We must meticulously gather all documents pertaining to Chkheidze and his associates—documents that can be used against them. Should the Leftists (Radek + Thalheimer + Wynkoop + ??) request a private meeting for a “discussion” with “Our Word,”—well, it may not always be possible to refuse. (And again, we should collect every single document, of every kind. Let us coordinate in advance.)

Why not begin preparing our own manifesto, just as detailed as Radek’s—but with a clear declaration of war against opportunism? Or shall we take Radek’s draft as our starting point?

I have written to Kollontai** and Blagoev. I am writing to Weinkopf: if he does not act, so much the worse for him—I will still fulfill my duty.

Write to Grimm and ask him to send you a telegram if another pre-conference is scheduled (it is quite possible they will arrange one, since otherwise, where, who, and when will the composition of the delegates—and all other details—be determined?). Should we also write to Grimm, reminding him that he is obligated to inform the Norwegian and Swedish Leftists without delay? This is imperative! (Address: via Fru A. Kollontay, Turisthotel, Holmenkollen, Kristiania, Norway.)

Greetings! Your Lenin
P.S. It is quite possible that the conference will serve as a platform for Kautsky and Renaudel to “make peace”—but what if they try to broker a “peace”? Well then, let us stir up a bit of controversy and withdraw, lodging a formal protest.

Please forward all my notes (for “The Communist”) to Yuri. Send Kamensky’s contributions directly to me.

Recommendation No. 1 (96 pages), August

* Alternatively, we could send three members of the KZO delegation—besides the three from the Central Committee—and demand that they be granted voting rights. How, exactly, are they any less entitled than the group from “Our Word”? The same applies to women’s organizations.

** See this volume, pp. 94–95. Ed.