There is no drinking water or food, and if capitalists want to build there, they must bring in workers, and we will allow them to bring a large number. Conversely, where there are Russian workers, we stipulate the percentage to give our workers the opportunity, on the one hand, to learn, and on the other, to improve their situation, because we want to derive benefits for our workers from concessions in terms of improving enterprises according to the latest word in capitalist technology. This does not meet with principled objections from the capitalists. The last point—tenth:
10. The concessionaire may be granted the right, by agreement with the governmental bodies of the RSFSR, to invite highly-qualified specialists from among Russian citizens; the conditions of employment, in each individual case, must be agreed upon with the central authorities.
It is clear that in this respect, we cannot guarantee complete freedom, as we do for foreign technicians and workers. There, we do not interfere, and they are entirely subject to capitalist relations. For our specialists and technicians, we do not promise such freedom. We cannot allow our best specialists to be employed in concessionary enterprises. We do not wish to completely close access to them, but it is necessary to have supervision over the execution of the contract from above and below. Supervision should be from the side of the workers, members of the Communist Party, who will work at the enterprises, supervising the fulfillment of the contract's conditions, as well as in relation to their professional-technical education, and also ensuring compliance with legislation. This point did not meet with principled objections in preliminary negotiations with some of the kings of modern capital.
These are all the points confirmed by the Sovnarkom. I hope that from them, it becomes clear what kind of concession policy we want to pursue.
There is no doubt that each concession will be a new, so to speak, war in the sense of an economic war, transferring the war to another arena. It is necessary to adapt to this, but it must be done from the perspective of the party congress. It is necessary to go for a respite, for sacrifices and deprivations, otherwise, we will not achieve anything, and the goal is one: in a capitalist environment, we use the capitalists' greed for profit and the enmity between one trust and another to create conditions for the existence of a socialist republic, which cannot exist without world connections and, under the given conditions, must link its existence with capitalist relations. The question arises as to what the specific conditions will be. For example, regarding oil agreements, these specific conditions are as follows:

We will retain 30-40% of the extracted oil. We introduce the obligation to increase production, for example, to 100 million, and the obligation to extend the pipeline from Grozny and from Netrovsk to Moscow. Whether it will be necessary to provide some additional payment—this issue is provided for in each individual contract. But the type of contract based on these conditions should be clear.
From the point of view of the trade unions, it is important that the leading party elements understand the peculiarity of this policy and set themselves the task: in accordance with the decision of the party congress, applicable to the tasks of the socialist system in a capitalist environment, to achieve such concessions at all costs. Each concession will be a gain, an immediate improvement in the situation for part of the workers and peasants. For the peasants, because each concession implies some additional product that we cannot produce, but which we will exchange with the peasants, rather than take through taxation.
The operation is very difficult, and for the organs of Soviet power, even more so. Starting from this basic position, it is necessary to set the task of achieving concessions, bypassing all existing prejudices on this matter, the unwillingness to move, the unwillingness to sacrifice old customs, the inconvenience that one part of the workers will receive better, and the other worse. Such inconveniences and such claims, which can sabotage any business improvement, can be thought up in the millions. On this sabotage, foreign capital speculates. I do not know of another point on which the most intelligent representatives of the Russian White Guard press, who proved in the Kronstadt events how much higher they are than Chernov and Martov multiplied by five, would rise so strongly. They know perfectly well that if we fail to improve the situation of workers and peasants due to our prejudices, we will create even greater difficulties for ourselves and ultimately undermine the prestige of Soviet power. You know that we must achieve this improvement at all costs. We do not mind giving a foreign capitalist 200% profit, as long as we improve the situation of workers and peasants—and this must be achieved at all costs.

REPORT ON CONCESSIONS TO THE FRACTION OF THE VTSKP

You know that we must achieve this improvement at all costs. We do not mind giving a foreign capitalist 200% profit, as long with improving the situation of workers and peasants—and this must be achieved at all costs.

INTERJECTION DURING THE DISCUSSION
We have just heard extremely diplomatic speeches from Comrades Shlyapnikov and Ryazanov, so diplomatic that they would be excellent in negotiations with concessionaires and bourgeois states. We have come to a meeting where I am reporting on the disagreements that arose in the Central Committee and the Sovnarkom. These disagreements will also appear here in the discussion... As a result of the disagreements, the Tenth Congress resolution was adopted, which states: "Approve the Sovnarkom decree and grant concessions in Baku and Grozny." Here, we want to discuss this issue.

DISCUSSION RECORDS
One note: "irritation and envy among other workers"?
Tomsky: the disagreements were purely practical: 
- 1 pood of oil for 10 poods of water? 
- Should labor be regulated? And how? Strikes?
Ryazanov... former representative of the defeated "workers' opposition"
- Tomsky had a "fit of enthusiasm" when he came from the Central Committee.
- Not for improving the workers' situation, but for increasing productive forces...
- ...got involved with Vanderlip...
- Martens: cash, not checks, not bonds. Bonds are absolutely unacceptable: the Amsterdamers will beat us...
- 5/3? Unacceptable from the point of view of a professional. Workers will strike.
- Tartakovsky: how will you make workers work for us? "There will be no impulses."
* Cash. Ed.