Concluding Remarks on the Report on the Current Moment. April 14 (27)
Заключительное слово по докладу о текущем моменте. 14 (27) апреля
Date: 1917-04-14 (April 27)
Source: PSS vol 31
Translated by: AI (Claude)

The exchange of opinions showed discord. I cannot answer all questions.

About old Bolshevism. Kalinin defended old Bolshevism. He himself came to the conclusion that our present tactics are correct. Another opinion - most of all a deviation toward the tactics of the petty bourgeoisie was revealed.

The traditional expression: to carry the revolution through to the end; but which revolution? The objective situation of 1905 was such: the proletariat and peasantry were the only revolutionary element, while the Cadets stood for monarchy. Now defensism is the transition of peasants to petty-bourgeois tactics. In this case, carrying the revolution through to the end loses meaning. The revolution united the petty bourgeoisie and other revolutionary elements in defensism.

The future dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry? The petty-bourgeois peasantry, standing on the defensist point of view, can be for monarchy.

A new line follows from the line of Bolshevism. The petty bourgeoisie and big bourgeoisie have united. We proceed from the difference of class interests. Peasant farm laborers must be against imperialist war. Peasant proprietors - for defensism.

Defensism has shown that the petty bourgeoisie has departed from the working class and passed over to the big bourgeoisie. The poor peasant, partly living by labor in cities, does not need this war. This class must be an opponent of war.

Old Bolshevism must be left behind. A division of the line of the petty bourgeoisie and hired proletariat is necessary. Phrases about the revolutionary people suit Kerensky, but not the revolutionary proletariat. To be revolutionaries, even if democrats, when Nicholas is removed - is not a great merit. Revolutionary democracy is no good; this is a phrase. It covers up but does not expose the contradiction of class interests. A Bolshevik must open the eyes of workers and peasants to the existence of these contradictions, but not gloss over them. If the imperialist war will crash down on the proletariat and peasants economically, these classes must rise against this war.

The network of Soviets of Workers', Soldiers', Peasants' Deputies - that is the task of the day. All Russia is already being covered with a network of organs of local self-government. The Commune can also be in the form of organs of self-government. Abolition of police, standing army, universal armament - all this can be implemented through local self-government. I took the Soviet of Workers' Deputies simply because it already exists.

They say, it is necessary to "occupy" the proletariat. This is what Chkheidze, the Provisional Government and others do, speaking resounding words about revolutionary democracy. A Bolshevik must divide: proletariat and petty bourgeoisie, and the words "revolutionary democracy" and "revolutionary people" give to Kerensky. Democracy in Russia is imperialist. They say we reduce our work to cultural work. This is incorrect. To pass resolutions about the Constituent Assembly, etc. - this means: to "occupy" the proletariat.

The real business is carrying out the abolition of the standing army, bureaucracy and police and universal armament.

The Constituent Assembly will not strangle the revolution, because nothing is heard about it now and nobody is going to convene it. SRs can "demand" its convocation.

The war is worldwide. The war is waged by definite classes and generated by bank capital. It can be ended by the transfer of power to another class. Peace while preserving power with the ruling classes can change nothing.

The proletariat must be shown how to move the revolution forward by concrete measures. To move the revolution forward means to implement self-government spontaneously. The growth of democracy does not hinder self-government, implements our tasks. To end the war is possible only by the transfer of power to another class - and Russia has approached this closest - but in no way by an armistice of capitalists of all countries through the exchange of strangled nationalities. The Commune is quite suitable for the peasantry. Commune means complete self-government, absence of any supervision from above. Nine-tenths of the peasantry should go for this.

The bourgeoisie can reconcile itself with nationalization of land if the peasants take the land. We, as a proletarian party, must say that land alone will not yet feed. To cultivate it, consequently, it will be necessary to arrange a commune. We must be centralists, but there are moments when this task moves to localities, we must allow maximum initiative locally. The Cadets already act as officials. They say to the peasantry: "wait for the Constituent Assembly." Only our party gives slogans that really move the revolution forward. The Soviets of Workers' Deputies can quite well establish communes locally. The question is whether the proletariat has enough organization, but this cannot be calculated in advance, one must learn in practice.

Trotskyism - "without the tsar, but a workers' government." This is incorrect. The petty bourgeoisie exists, it cannot be thrown out. But it has two parts. Its poorest part goes with the working class.

War. To end war pacifistically is utopia. It can be ended by an imperialist peace. The masses do not want this peace. War is a continuation of the politics of a class, to change the character of war - change the class standing in power.

The name of the party as communist - theoretically correct. Left socialists of other countries are too weak. We must take the initiative.