Date: 1918
Source: ru:LS/v26

No. 4 OF THE NEWSPAPER "VPERED" OF JANUARY 31 (18), 1905
20705
REVOLUTIONARY DAYS.
FIRST STEPS OF THE WORKING CLASS*.
The spark that ignited the fire was one of the most ordinary clashes between labor and capital—a strike at one factory.
It is interesting, however, that this strike of 12,000 Putilov workers, which erupted on Monday, January 3, was primarily a strike in the name of proletarian solidarity. The cause was the dismissal of four workers. "When the demand for their reinstatement was not met," writes one comrade from St. Petersburg on January 7, "the factory stopped immediately, very harmoniously. The strike is of a very consistent nature; the workers have dispatched several people to guard the machines and other property from any possible damage by the less conscious. Then they dispatched a delegation to other factories to communicate their demands and propose joining." Thousands and tens of thousands of workers began to join the movement. The legal, Zubatovist, workers' society, founded with the assistance of the government for the purpose of corrupting the proletariat with systematic monarchist propaganda, rendered no small service to the organization of the movement in its lower stages and to its growth in breadth. What the Social Democrats had long pointed out happened, telling the Zubatovists that the revolutionary instinct of the working class and the spirit of its solidarity would prevail over all petty police tricks. The most backward workers will be drawn into the movement by the Zubatovists, and then the tsarist government itself will take care to push the workers further, capitalist exploitation itself will move them from peaceful and thoroughly hypocritical Zubatovism to revolutionary Social Democracy.
*
Lenin's title. In No. 4 of "Vpered" it was printed under the title "First Steps." Ed.

REVOLUTIONARY DAYS
109
The practice of proletarian life and proletarian struggle will outweigh all "theories" and all the efforts of the Zubatov gentlemen*.
And so it turned out. One comrade, a worker, a member of the St. Petersburg Committee of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party, describes his impressions in a letter to us from January 6**:
"I am writing under the fresh impression of the meeting that just took place behind the Nevskaya Zastava of the Semyannikov factory workers. But first, a few words about the mood that prevails among the St. Petersburg workers. As is known, recently "Zubatovist" organizations began to arise here, or rather, to revive, under the leadership of Father Gapon. The organizations have multiplied and strengthened very quickly. Now there are already 11 departments of the so-called "Assembly of Russian Factory Workers." As was to be expected, the results of these assemblies were bound to be the same as they were in the South. Now, it can be said with certainty, a broad strike movement is beginning in St. Petersburg. Almost every day one hears about a new strike at one factory or another. The Putilov factory has been on strike for two days now***. Two weeks ago, the Shaw spinning mill on the Vyborg side was on strike. [It] The strike lasted four days; the workers achieved nothing. This strike will resume again in the next day or two. Everywhere the mood is elevated, but it cannot be said that it is in favor of Social Democracy. Most of the workers are in favor of a purely economic struggle and against a political one. [But] However, one must expect and hope that this mood will change, and the workers will understand that without a political struggle they will not achieve any economic [interests] improvements. Today, the factory of the Nevsky Shipbuilding [Mechanical Factory] Society (Semyannikov) went on strike. The local department of the "Assembly of Russian Factory Workers" is trying to act as the leader of the beginning strike, but of course it will not succeed. The leader will be Social Democracy, despite the fact that it is terribly weak here. Two or three leaflets have been issued by the St. Petersburg Committee, two to the Shaw Spinning Factory and one to the Putilov workers. Today there was a meeting of the workers of the Nevsky Shipbuilding Factory. About 500 workers gathered. For the first time, members of the local department of the "Assembly" spoke. They deviated from political demands and mainly put forward economic demands. Voices of disapproval were heard from the crowd. But then an employee of the "Russian Gazette," Stroev, who enjoys great respect among the St. Petersburg workers, appeared. Stroev proposed a resolution, as
* Compare Lenin's "What Is To Be Done," pp. 86-88. (Works, IV, 449-450. Ed.)
** Further, Lenin wrote: "See letter No. 1 from a to b to the words... 5-6 thousand." This is followed by a letter on which Lenin made notes:
"Letter
No.
1,
a
and
b."
In
the
letter
Lenin made several deletions and corrections. The words written by Lenin are printed in bold italics. Ed.
*** Lenin's italics. Ed.

he stated, developed by him and representatives of Social Democracy. This resolution, although it emphasizes the opposition of the class interests of the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, is insufficient. After Stroev, comrade workers, Social Democrats, spoke, who defended this resolution in principle, emphasizing, however, its limitations and inadequacy. Then a commotion began, some were dissatisfied with the speeches of the Social Democrats and began to disrupt the meeting. The meeting voted by a majority against the chairman, who was among those disrupting, and elected a new chairman, a socialist. But the members
[of this] "society" (Zubatovist) did not remain silent and continued to disrupt the meeting. Although the vast majority of the meeting (90%) was on the side of the socialists, the meeting eventually dispersed with nothing and postponed [this] decision until tomorrow. In any case, it can be said that the Social Democrats managed to sway the mood of the workers in their favor. Tomorrow there will be a large meeting—possibly two or three thousand people. One must expect in the coming days [a grandiose demonstration, something like] a grandiose demonstration, something similar to the July one in the South in 1903. The factory of the Franco-Russian Society is on strike—about four to five thousand. It is reported that a strike has also begun at the Baron Stieglitz spinning mill—about five thousand. A strike is expected at the Obukhov factory—five to six thousand."
Comparing this information from a Social Democrat, a local committee member (who, of course, could only know accurately about events in a small part of St. Petersburg) with information from foreign, especially English, newspapers, we must conclude* that the latter are distinguished by very [great] significant accuracy.
The strike grew from day to day with dizzying speed. The workers organized a mass of meetings and developed their "charter," their economic and political demands. Both, despite the leadership of the Zubatovists, generally boiled down to the demands of the Social Democratic party program, up to the slogan: convocation of a constituent assembly on the basis of universal, direct, equal, and secret suffrage. The spontaneous growth of a strike unprecedented in its scale far outstripped the planned participation of organized Social Democrats in the movement. But let us give the floor to themselves.

LETTERS FROM ST. PETERSBURG SOCIAL DEMOCRATS
20760
LETTERS FROM ST. PETERSBURG SOCIAL DEMOCRATS.
From January 7, one comrade writes*:
"Only having come face to face with the strike, spontaneously pouring out fever that has gripped almost all factories, factories, and even small workshops since today, only today can we assess all the disorganization** of the party [the result of which should be our recognition]. The result of it is that we, the St. Petersburg organization, are completely powerless in the face of the spontaneous labor movement. One only has to go out into the street and see what is happening around to understand how powerless we are. After all, now thousands, tens of thousands of leaflets are needed, organized workers' meetings are needed, prepared experienced orators are needed who could attract crowds of workers to us from Father Gapon. And what can we do? Issue several hundred leaflets that will be literally imperceptible, send several orators, leaving them to their own devices...
The day before yesterday and yesterday, meetings of workers of up to 500 people were held in the Vyborg district. At one of them, before the arrival of the chairman, some worker spoke and delivered a completely Social Democratic speech, to which the audience reacted very well, rewarding the speaker with applause. Organized workers spoke at the same meeting; there were no intellectuals from the majority. It is worth noting one incident that took place at this meeting. Some worker stole a portrait of Nicholas from the wall. The chairman of the meeting tried to establish that this was done by an intoxicated worker who accidentally touched the portrait, but part of the meeting vigorously protested against such a cover-up. In the end, a resolution was adopted that was completely analogous to the Putilov one, i.e., composed under the leadership of the now famous Father Gaponov.
An even more grandiose meeting was on the Peterhof highway, at which several thousand workers gathered. The attitude towards the Social Democrats at this meeting is completely different: leaflets, both ours and those of the minority, were torn up, at first representatives refused to take 500 rubles from us, given by the committee to the striking workers.
There were no Social Democratic speeches (we ourselves are to blame for this), but it is surprising that the resolution adopted at this meeting is one under which a Social Democrat can boldly sign; they say that this resolution was drawn up by one Social Democrat who has influence on Father [Gaponov] Gapon. For a long time we could not establish what this priest is; his initial behavior (before the strike) made us assume that we were dealing with a Zubatov of a new school, but [from the very beginning] from the moment the strike began, this view must certainly be abandoned. It seems to me that we have before us some kind of [fanatic-] naive idealist. If we look at the priest as we did before, then, after all, it is absolutely impossible to explain his behavior at yesterday's meeting: he stated that on Sunday all the striking workers would go to the palace to present Nicholas with their petition on the urgent needs of the workers (convocation of the Constituent Assembly, etc.), and if the Tsar refuses to accept this petition or the police prevent them from gathering, then it means that the Tsar is in cahoots with the ministers, and it means that to the slogan: "Down with the ministers" it is necessary to add: "Down with the Tsar"; therefore, the workers, going to the palace, must prepare banners with the inscription "Down with the Tsar" and arm themselves. He called on the meeting to swear that not one of those gathered would abandon this decision, even if they had to fight with the troops. Now, according to rumors, [Gaponov] Gapon is being sought by the police, but he is hiding until Sunday.
On Vasilyevsky Island yesterday there were meetings—a general strike was adopted. Today, since morning, crowds of workers have been walking the streets, stopping factories, not allowing those who want to work to go to work. As a rumor, I report that the foremen themselves are persuading the workers to stop work. They are talking about the fact that the capitalists are quite tolerant of the strike, and [such as Laferm] some even see in it a means of wresting a constitution from the finally bewildered Nicholas through the workers. But what is especially surprising is the behavior of the police. I deliberately walked today in various parts of the city and I assert that there are fewer policemen than in ordinary times. Only on Maly Prospekt of Vasilyevsky Island near the 5th line, where this morning a crowd (as they say) smashed the precinct and released the arrested (??)*, can you see 4-5 mounted policemen.
Today there should be large meetings on the Island, Vyborg, Petersburg sides and Peterhof highway. We have sent agitators to the Vyborg and Petersburg sides (3 people each... I don't know about the other two districts—I haven't seen anyone from these districts for two days, although I know that I. P.** with agitators was at a meeting of islanders yesterday."
Another letter (from January 7?):
... "Factories and factories are joining the strike terribly quickly one after another. This morning they counted 40,000 strikers, and by evening they are already counting 24 productions and 82,000 strikers. (English newspapers gave the figure 75,000. Ed.). They say, etc.***
*
Note. The question marks belong to the author of the letter, who considers, obviously, what was reported to him to be incorrect or greatly exaggerated. Ed. (Lenin's note.)
P. I. Rumyantsev, member of the St. Petersburg Committee. Ed.
Further in the manuscript is Lenin's note: "Letter No. 5 from d to c." In "Vpered" a large excerpt from this letter is given. A copy of the letter has not been preserved. Ed.

EVE OF BLOODY SUNDAY
113
Both of these letters raise the question, hotly debated in the foreign press:
who is Father
Gapon, a provocateur or
[Fanatic]] a Christian socialist?
20766
EVE OF BLOODY SUNDAY.
We stopped in our story about the course of the movement on how, on the initiative of Gapon, a procession of working masses to the Winter Palace was scheduled for Sunday, January 9, to submit a "petition" to the Tsar on the convocation of a constituent assembly. The strike in St. Petersburg had already become general by Saturday, January 8. Even official information determined the number of strikers at 100-150 thousand people. Russia had not yet seen such a gigantic explosion of class struggle. All industrial, commercial, and social life of the gigantic one-and-a-half-million center was paralyzed. The proletariat showed in deed that it and only it holds modern civilization, its labor creates wealth and luxury, and all our "culture" rests on it. The city was left without newspapers, without lighting, and without water. And this general strike was of a clearly expressed political nature, was a direct prologue to revolutionary events.
Here is how one eyewitness describes, in a letter to us, the eve of the historic day:
"St. Petersburg, January 8. "Since January 7, the strike in St. Petersburg has become general. Not only all the large factories and factories have stopped, but also many workshops. Today, January 8, not a single newspaper was published, except for the "Government Gazette" and the "Bulletin of the St. Petersburg City Administration." The leadership of the movement is still in the hands of the Zubatovists. We are observing a picture unprecedented in St. Petersburg, and our hearts are gripped with fear of the unknown—will the Social Democratic organization be able to take the movement into its own hands, even after some time. The situation is extremely serious. All these days there are daily mass meetings of workers in all areas of the city in the premises of the "Union of Russian Workers." In front of them, the streets are filled with thousands of workers all day long. From time to time, speeches are given by Social Democrats and leaflets are distributed. They are generally received sympathetically, although the Zubatovists are trying to create opposition. When
Further, Lenin made a note: "Letter D No. 4 from k to l." This is followed by the letter printed below, on which Lenin made the notes: "Letter No. 4," "k" and "l." Ed.

the speech concerns autocracy, they shout: "We don't need this, autocracy doesn't bother us!" Meanwhile, in the speeches that are given in the premises of the "Union" by the Zubatovists, all the Social Democratic demands are put forward, starting with the 8-hour working day and ending with the convocation of people's representatives on the basis of equal, direct, and secret suffrage. Only the Zubatovists claim that the satisfaction of these demands does not mean the overthrow of autocracy, but the rapprochement of the people with the Tsar, the destruction of the bureaucracy that separates the Tsar from the people.
"Social Democrats also speak [inside] in the premises of the Union, and their speeches are met sympathetically, but the initiative for practical proposals comes from the Zubatovists. Despite the objections of the Social Democrats, these proposals are accepted. They boil down to the following: on Sunday, January 9, the workers must go to the Winter Palace and submit a petition to the Tsar through St. George Gapon with a list of all the workers' demands, ending with the words: "Give us all this, or we will die." At the same time, the leaders of the meetings add: "If the Tsar does not give, then our hands are untied—it means he is our enemy, and then we will act against him, unfurling the red banner. If our blood is shed, it will fall on his head." The petition is accepted everywhere. The workers swear that they will all come to the square on Sunday "with wives and children." Today the petition will be signed in separate districts, and at 2 o'clock everyone must gather in the "People's House" for the final meeting.
"All this is happening with the complete connivance of the police—they have been removed from everywhere, although mounted gendarmes are hidden in the courtyards of some buildings.
"Today, the mayor's announcements are posted on the streets, prohibiting gatherings and threatening armed force. The workers tear them down. Troops are being drawn into the city from the surrounding areas. Tram employees (conductors and coachmen) were forced to go to work by Cossacks with drawn sabers."
20766
BLOODY DAY.
Let us give the floor to foreign correspondents. They alone could transmit their news by telegraph. They prepared for this like real war correspondents. We were precisely war correspondents in the full sense, some of them say, we observed military actions and were repeatedly in danger of being shot. We have already said above how accurate the information of foreign newspaper correspondents is.
"St. Petersburg. January 22 (9). St. Petersburg woke up today to find itself under martial law. The day turned out to be unusually cheerful. It was five degrees below zero. The air is clear, invigorating; the sky is almost cloudless. The gilded domes

BLOODY DAY
115 of churches and cathedrals and the snow-decorated roofs and facades of houses, illuminated by the bright sun, formed a luxurious panorama when I looked out of the windows of the hotel, impatiently waiting for what the day that had begun would bring.
"I noticed a characteristic change in the behavior of passers-by. Instead of going up the steps of St. Isaac's Cathedral, as usual, the public silently turned towards the Winter Palace, singly or in small groups. Joining the flow of workers, I walked along the Admiralty Garden towards the Winter Palace. One could not help but notice the striking sullen expression on the faces of passers-by. Turning the corner, everyone turned their eyes to the Winter Palace, trying to see what was happening there.
"A crowd of many thousands of people had already gathered. Mounted troops did not let it into the square. The masses of people began to press threateningly on the troops. The cavalry set off at a trot, pushing the people to the right and left. Many curious people, out of caution, began to get out of the crowd (not without difficulty) and went home. I also went to my headquarters, waiting for news from my correspondents (reporters), who were stationed by me in all the important points of the city.
"Events followed events with such dizzying speed that the public was excited by them beyond all description. Until the very last minute, no one believed that anything serious would happen. Traditionally believing in the power of the whip, everyone shrugged their shoulders and said that the demonstrators would be easily dispersed after two or three skirmishes, that's all.
"Meanwhile, the city was in a state of open revolution for two hours.
"The first disturbances began at
11 o'clock, when the troops tried to repel several thousand Putilov strikers
on one of the bridges leading to the city center. The same thing happened almost simultaneously on several other bridges, where they had to fight with a constant stream of workers heading to the designated meeting place, near the Winter Palace. The Cossacks started with whips, switched to sabers, and ended with shooting.
"The strikers in the front rows fell to their knees, begging the Cossacks to let them through and assuring them that they had no hostile intentions. But the blank shots did not frighten the workers, and an order was given to load the rifles with live ammunition.

"When the people saw, after the shots, the dead and dying everywhere and all over the bloodstained snow of the pavements, furious cries of revenge were heard.
"Meanwhile, the situation at the Winter Palace was deteriorating. The troops, according to the reports of the commanders, were unable to restrain the pressing masses of people. Reinforcements had to be sent, and at two o'clock the order to shoot was given here as well. Men, women, and children fell with every volley. They were picked up and taken to the infirmaries in sledges and carts. It was no longer just about the workers. Indignation and rage seized all classes. Students, merchants, all classes of the population were equally enraged. At the moment I am writing this, shooting is going on in all parts of the city.
"Father Gapon, who was walking at the head of a large crowd of workers with a cross in his hands, was wounded in the arm and shoulder.
"The car that was carrying my telegrams to the telegraph offices (telegrams were sent every hour, sometimes every 5-10 minutes. Ed.) was seized and used to transport the wounded.
"Two detachments of workers are now [separated] cut off from each other. Those who are on the other side of the Neva are arming themselves with [swords] sabers, knives, [carpentry] carpentry and blacksmithing tools. [Energetically] Barricades are being erected quickly.
"Several officers were attacked on Nevsky Prospekt. Their sabers were taken away from them, their epaulettes were torn off.
Panic and confusion are everywhere the greatest. The troops act mercilessly, shooting to the right and left, often without any need. The strikers shout to them: "Are you Russians? Why [do you act] do you act like bloodsuckers and executioners?" When the dead and wounded are carried or transported, the crowd takes off their hats and shouts: "Hurrah! Glory to you!" in honor of the fallen.
"I walked along the Vyborg and Petersburg sides [and the old part of P[ctcis]b[ur]g)]. Troops are stationed at various points, especially concentrated on the bridges across the Neva.
"Dense crowds of workers, among whom there are many women and children, behave calmly, only whistling at the officers riding at the head of the troop detachments.
"Returning to Nevsky, I found myself in a huge crowd, consisting

BLOODY DAY
117 consisting of representatives of all classes of society. Strangers excitedly exchanged news and impressions about the events of the day, [brought together by each other united] united by a common danger. Everyone was agitated and outraged by the horrors that the soldiers had committed at the Putilov factory, where there was a real slaughterhouse (shamble). There the workers, under the threat of shooting, lay down on the ground, and the troops shot at those lying down!
"At the Narva Gate, the troops shot [at] at the demonstrators, led by Fathers Gapon and Sergei, who were walking with a cross, with an icon, and with a portrait of the Tsar. The portrait was pierced by a hail of bullets. [Father] Father Sergei was killed.
"The police and soldiers guarding the bridge across the Neva tried to repel the crowd with bayonets, but the pressure did not weaken. A bugle rang out (bugle rangout?), and two volleys were directed at the crowd. Many dead and wounded. Prayers, curses, cries of revenge are heard addressed to the officers___
... "After sunset, the battle subsided. I visited all the main centers of the city and found everything calm. . . . Almost on every corner in the center of the city, troops are bivouacked around camp fires. There and here squadrons of cavalry
There are more passers-by on the streets than one could expect after the terrible events of the day ...
... "The factories are guarded by soldiers in anticipation of disturbances. Troops are stationed at the Narva outpost, leading to the Putilov factory. In the morning, reinforcements from the army and police were sent there. A company of soldiers is located near the Nevsky Shipbuilding] factory.
"Around 10 o'clock in the morning, around 15,000 people headed to St. Petersburg, but around 11 o'clock they were stopped by two hundred Cossacks who blocked their way. The Cossacks fired three times with blank charges. Some of the strikers went on the ice of the Neva, the rest refused to return. The commander of the detachment requested reinforcements and ordered the rifles to be loaded with live ammunition. The Cossacks, however, attacked the crowd with whips and pushed the demonstrators back.
... "At 11 o'clock in the morning, the workers began to gather on Vasilyevsky Island. Uhlans (there were no police) stood on the Nikolaevsky Bridge. Infantry detachments stop the workers. Street traffic is stopped. Many troops are stationed at the Academy of Sciences and [Arts] Arts. Uhlans, infantry, and Cossacks are also gathered on

Vyborg side. Workers are gathering on the streets leading to the Liteiny Bridge. They are allowed to pass 2-3 people, but not in crowds. The workers behave calmly.
... "Near the Narva Outpost, a cavalry detachment does not allow anyone into the city. On Vasilyevsky] Island, one worker addressed the crowd and began to call it to go to Palace Square. Several thousand workers went to the Nikolaevsky Bridge.
"1 o'clock in the afternoon. The crowd coming from Vas. Ostr., is stopped by a strong detachment of infantry, uhlans, and Cossacks. The leaders of the strikers appeal to the soldiers not to shoot at their brothers. The infantry lowers their rifles, but the uhlans and Cossacks obey the order and push the crowd back with sabers. Many wounded. A military band plays during the clash.
"All the streets leading to the
Winter Palace are occupied by troops .. . . 1 h. 20 m. "Just now there was an attempt to break into (rush) Palace Square (Palace Square). The strikers gathered in large numbers in the Alexander Garden, near the Admiralty, and tried to knock down [the gate leading] the gate to the square. The troops stopped them . . . .
... "Excitement and disturbances are increasing everywhere. Demonstrations on V[asilyevsky] O[strov] have become especially menacing and turbulent. The troops are shooting. Crowds of people are trying to get into the city center along the bridges connecting it with the islands and Vyb[orgskaya] side. Skirmishes are taking place.
"On the Trinity Bridge, the cavalry attacked a crowd of 10,000 people with sabers. The strikers fled, pursued by the cavalry. The bridge is now closed to traffic. Only the chosen ones are allowed to pass, and even they are not safe to appear nearby, because during the clashes they do not distinguish anything or anyone. The leaders of the movement give speeches before huge crowds of people and read appeals calling on everyone to go to the Palace and die there. The appeals are met with applause.
... "When the Putilov workers were blocked from the road to the
Palace, they gathered near the premises (Headquarters) of the union in the number of about 10,000. Revolutionary appeals are thrown from the windows. The leaders give fiery speeches, protesting against the use of military force, pointing to the Tsar's attitude towards the people. The speeches are met with applause and cries of: "Down with the monarchy!" - "2 h. 38 m. The crowd and the troops are fighting (open conflict) around

NUMBER OF KILLED AND WOUNDED
119
Palace. Shooting continues, the crowd shouts: Hurrah! 30 people were wounded and crushed by the Cossacks on the Shlisselburg highway... - 2 h. 53 m. The crowd on Palace Square is dispersed. The troops are pursuing it. 150 killed and wounded. The crowd is furious and threatens revenge. Among the dead are many women and children. One police superintendent was killed. - 3 h. 35 m. The people are organizing armed resistance. One Cossack was killed, one officer was wounded. The crowd is erecting wire barriers on the streets of Vasilyevsky] Island to prevent cavalry attacks. - 3 h. 40 m. The crowd, pushed back from Palace Square, is retreating along
Nevsky. The troops fired three times at the retreating.
30 killed, many wounded. The crowd is furiously breaking stones from the pavement and throwing them at the officers. [,who] - 4 h. The strikers on Vas[ilyevsky] Ostr[ov] are building barricades from fallen telegraph poles. - 5 h. 30 m. The barricades are completed in two places on Vas[ilyevsky] Island. The crowd refuses to disperse, despite repeated volleys from the soldiers. - 6 h. The crowd is trying to build barricades on Nevsky. - 9 h. 45 m. Ras[ilyevsky] Island is plunged into darkness. There is no electricity or gas. - 11 h. in the evening. Shooting continues on Vas[ilyevsky] Island. The workers are burning telegraph poles. - 1 h. 10 m. at night. Volleys of shots on Vas[ilyevsky] Island were heard even at midnight. The barricades were destroyed by the soldiers shortly after they were built, with 30 workers killed." Such is a brief history of the bloody day.
20766
NUMBER OF KILLED AND WOUNDED.
Regarding the number of killed and wounded, the news differs. It goes without saying that there is no question of an accurate count, and it is very difficult to judge by eye. The government report of 96 killed and 330 wounded is obviously false, and no one believes it. According to the latest newspaper reports, journalists on January 13 handed the Minister of Internal Affairs a list of 4,600 killed and wounded, a list compiled by reporters. Of course, even this figure cannot be complete, because even during the day (not to mention the night) it would be impossible to count all the killed and wounded in all the clashes.
The victory of autocracy over the unarmed people cost no

LENIN'S COLLECTION
fewer victims than the great battles in Manchuria. It is not for nothing that, as all foreign correspondents report, the workers of St. Petersburg shouted to the officers that they were fighting the Russian people more successfully than the Japanese.
20766
INDIVIDUAL EPISODES OF THE MASSACRE.
NEAR THE TRINITY BRIDGE
The correspondent of the English newspaper The [Standard] Daily Telegraph telegraphed on Sunday evening:
"By nine o'clock in the morning on Sunday, all the bridges were already occupied by troops, the streets leading to them were blocked. At 11 o'clock, the whole of St. Petersburg looked like a conquered city. Troops are stationed every 100-200 sazhens, soldiers are warming themselves around fires, weapons are gleaming, Red Cross vans are visible, stocked in abundance for the wounded. At 12 o'clock, the entire population was on its feet. They were walking to the Winter Palace * Nevsky was black with workers, who were sometimes accompanied by wives. No signs of disorder or drunkenness. The roofs of low houses are full of young spectators. A mass of apartments with open windows, despite the cold wind. We drove to the premises of the working "Society," but it turned out to be locked. Everywhere there are rows of soldiers and Cossacks. On Kamennoostrovsky Prospekt we saw a crowd of workers and working women who were slowly walking towards the Trinity Bridge. There were about 600 of them. They were walking solemnly, in complete order. The first ten or fifteen rows were walking hand in hand. We rose on the sledges and began to watch them walk. They turned to us and to other spectators and began to persuade us to join them. They approached the square near the bridge. The dismounted Cossacks are warming themselves, running races. The sound of a bugle is heard. The Cossacks are building and rows. And so, they calmly, deliberately shoot once, another time at the approaching crowd. The crowd stopped, [stirred] trembled and turned back. The wails and cries, the curses of the fleeing, reach us. The mounted Cossacks attack the crowd, push it back, pick up the killed and wounded. 31op hours show half past eleven... The officers say that an order has been given to refrain from violence until the moment comes to put firearms into action, and then to shoot well and aim properly."
26637
LETTER FROM A STUDENT FROM PITER.
9/1 1905.
"I am reporting some details of today's demonstration. In Piter there are several departments of the "Assembly of Russian Workers" (that's what I read on the sign), and I, having disguised myself, got into [the sixth] the meeting of the sixth department, which is on the Petersburg side. At about 11 o'clock in the morning, the meeting began, at which only one speaker spoke (others were not allowed). He read and explained the resolution, which, according to him, will be adopted at other meetings and handed over personally by the priest Gapon and other representatives of the workers [to the sovereign] to the Tsar. [The sovereign] The Tsar will come out to accept the resolution on Palace Square. You may have to wait for him for no more than half an hour. The workers, marching along the streets to the palace, must behave quietly, not allow any antics against the public, not shout and thereby not call the police. Perhaps Social Democrats, Socialist Revolutionaries, and other intellectuals will join them along the way. The speaker instructs the workers to trust these groups, to listen to every wise word, adding that the Social Democrats have so far put forward the same demands as the workers today, uniting them with the motto: "Down with autocracy!". The Social Democrats threw out red flags and fought with the police, and the police often used weapons. Nothing like this will happen today. The sovereign himself will personally accept the "demands of the workers." He will have to do this: "after all, the people are asking him": "he must have in mind only the good of the people" (I indicate [genuine] words, genuinely recorded by me, with quotation marks). If only the workers would not disturb the public with their thoughtless noise. It is possible that there will be troops at the Trinity Bridge. But that's nothing. A speaker from the workers will come out, explain what's what, and they will be allowed through. Just behave quietly and you will reach Palace Square, and there is the sovereign. He must immediately sign here on the spot, even "swear" (genuine words of the resolution) that he will fulfill the demands of the workers.
If the sovereign does not sign here, on Palace Square, then the workers will receive instructions from their leaders on what to do. The speaker only said: "Then we will smash...", but, frightened by his words, did not say what exactly"...
...(The author of the letter outlines the content of the petition)...
"All this (that is, all the demands, up to the convocation of the constituent assembly) must be signed by the sovereign today. For this you only need not shout and not misbehave on the way to Palace Square. I warn you that I have not added anything here. After the meeting closed, I approached one of the representatives and said that the sovereign had moved to Tsarskoye Selo. "Nothing, we will demand him!" was the answer. To the remark that all this would only lead to the beating of the crowd, I received the answer that I must submit to their decision. I fell silent and went with the crowd. They went out onto Kamennoostrovsky Prospekt divided into two groups with the warning that if the first group is stopped, then it must wait for the second, and then they will be allowed through the bridge.
I was among the first in the first group, not with the aim of getting to the palace with the workers, because in my opinion this could not be without a massacre, and none of us even has a stick, but out of a desire to see with my own eyes and convince the gullible, because such tactics are better than any criticism. Still, I could not foresee what would follow. The policemen did not interfere, but smiled, which was also transmitted to the workers. Along the way, many actually joined. They reached the Trinity Park and, since infantry was stationed at the bridge, waited for the second group. They moved together. Another approached one platoon of foot soldiers. The road was blocked. Deciding that the soldiers, who had already taken "at the ready," would not let us through, but would disperse us with bayonets, I began to move away from the panel and wanted to get to Kronverksky Prospekt along the path in order to reach Palace Square around; I did not have time