Date: 1921-10-21
Source: ru:LS/v35

Monthly reports on current production. Disbursements shall be made exclusively pursuant to work orders issued by the Main Economic Administration and the People’s Commissariat for Trade, which are themselves based on resolutions adopted by the Commission for the Utilization of the State Technical Standards.
Those found guilty of unauthorized use of felt boots shall be held legally accountable for embezzlement. The execution of this directive is to be closely monitored by the Executive Committee of the Regional Government.
Chairman of the Council of Labor and Defense
Lenin
Printed from the original manuscript, signed by V. I. Lenin.
9 33
LETTER TO THE ORGANIZATIONAL BUREAU OF THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE RCP(b)
October 21, 1921
In light of a request from I. I. Skvortsov (Stepanov), I ask that his mission be altered and that he be assigned—not to this particular assignment—but rather to one of the suburban sovkhozes, where he will be engaged in milk production. In this way, over the course of one to one-and-a-half months, without being distracted by other duties, he may complete the literary work he has undertaken*. (The sovkhoz should be identified through the appropriate Moscow-based authority.)
Lenin
7 S.'. O
NOTES ON THE DRAFT STATEMENT OF THE SOVIET GOVERNMENT FOR THE BRUSSELS CONFERENCE
October 24, 1921 – Chicherin! I am sending my proposed amendments and request that you return them to me along with your comments.
No. 1) Our total is not 150 million, but 130 million—taking into account the Far Eastern Republic.
No. 2) We should not “cede,” but rather make a series of concessions.
No. 3) The key point: we must articulate our position on these claims with utmost precision and clarity.
With communist greetings,
Lenin
*
We are speaking here of I. Stepanov’s book, “Electrification of the RSFSR in the Context of the Transitional Phase of the World Economy,” published in 1922 with a foreword by V. I. Lenin (see Collected Works, Volume XXVII, pp. 145–196).

1921
Draft Statement
According to Western European newspapers, the Brussels Conference of the Great Powers had made the granting of loans to the Russian government—to aid the starving population—a precondition for recognizing the debts incurred by previous Russian governments. To date, the Russian government has received no official word regarding the decisions reached at this conference. However, faced with the desperate plight of the starving masses, the Russian government is unwilling to be bound by the niceties of diplomatic protocol; it regards it as its solemn duty to immediately declare its stance toward the Brussels resolutions.
In his speech delivered on August 16 before the British Parliament, British Prime Minister Lloyd George described the proposal to exploit famine in Russia as a “diabolical” scheme—aimed at forcing the Soviet government to acknowledge the debts of the Tsarist regime. Nevertheless, the Brussels Conference, fully aware that given the scale of the famine in Russia, the Soviet government was simply unable to save the suffering population from ruin on its own, nonetheless made the recognition of old debts a condition for granting Russia the loans without which serious assistance to the starving would remain impossible.
Drawing the attention of working people across all nations—and of all citizens who cherish the ideals of human compassion—to these actions of the Brussels Conference, the Russian government simultaneously affirms that the proposal to recognize old debts under certain conditions now aligns with its own fundamental objectives. From the very outset of its existence, the Soviet government had set economic cooperation with other powers as one of the central goals of its policy. It had always declared its willingness to offer substantial profits to foreign capitalists who would assist in the development of Russia’s natural resources and in the restoration of its economic infrastructure. Today, it observes that both the President of the United States and British ministers have repeatedly expressed the view that, three years after the end of the Great War, true peace still eludes us; the needs of the working masses grow ever more acute, national debts continue to mount, and devastation spreads unchecked.
It is perfectly clear that we cannot hope to establish lasting peace without Russia—with its population of 150 million—and that we cannot afford to ignore the ruins left behind in Russia while attempting to rebuild the world.

To address the most pressing issues concerning relations between Russia and the rest of the world—the foremost global question—it is imperative that we reach an agreement with the Soviet government. From the standpoint of the long-term interests and enduring needs of all states and all peoples, the economic recovery of Russia is not only a vital necessity for Russia itself, but for the entire world. Without economic engagement with other countries, the task of Russia’s economic revival becomes exceedingly difficult, and its successful completion will inevitably stretch out over a far longer period than anticipated.
The workers’ and peasants’ government is uniquely positioned to carry out this task. Private, self-serving interests of individual capitalist groups do not impede its efforts to restore the national economy. Rather, the interests of the broadest popular masses—interests that, in essence, represent the interests of society as a whole—are directly guiding the workers’ and peasants’ power. By setting itself the goal of satisfying the interests of all working people in Russia, the workers’ and peasants’ government—having emerged victorious from the unprecedented trials of civil war—now opens the door for private initiative and capital to collaborate with the workers’ and peasants’ power in the development of Russia’s natural wealth. The Soviet government has restored private trade, private ownership of small enterprises, and the right to concessions and leases for large-scale projects.
The Soviet government offers foreign capital a sufficient share of profits to satisfy its interests, thereby attracting it to participate in economic endeavors within Russia. Following this path, the Soviet government strives for economic agreements with all great powers—and ultimately, for the conclusion of a final peace between Russia and other nations. In pursuing this goal, the Soviet government encounters demands from other powers for the recognition of the old debts of the Tsarist regime.
The Soviet government affirms that, in its firm conviction, no people ought to be compelled to pay for the chains they have borne for centuries. Yet, in its unwavering determination to reach a comprehensive agreement with other powers, the Russian government is prepared to make concessions on this crucial issue.
In doing so, it also accommodates the desires of numerous small holders of Russian state bonds—especially those in France—for whom the recognition of Tsarist debts represents a matter of significant importance. Based on these considerations,

1921
In light of these considerations, the Russian government declares that it is prepared to assume obligations to other states and their citizens arising from state loans contracted by the Tsarist government prior to 1914—provided that it is granted favorable terms that ensure the practical possibility of fulfilling these obligations.
Of course, a prerequisite for such recognition is the simultaneous commitment of the great powers to unconditionally put an end to any actions that threaten the security of the Soviet republics or compromise the inviolability of their borders. In other words, the Soviet republic can assume these obligations only if the great powers conclude a final, comprehensive peace with it—and if its government is recognized by the other powers.
To this end, the Russian government proposes the swift convening of an international conference—one that would address the tasks outlined above, consider the mutual demands of the other powers and the Soviet government, and work toward the drafting of a final peace treaty between them. Only after such a conference is convened can universal peace be achieved.
Under no circumstances will this outcome be attained through the Washington Conference, whose resolutions will not be recognized by the Russian Republic—since it was not invited to participate in that conference.
On the upcoming fourth anniversary of the Soviet government’s founding, all must acknowledge that the relentless efforts of numerous external and internal adversaries have only served to strengthen the workers’ and peasants’ power in Russia—as the true defender and representative of the interests of the working masses of Russia and of its independence. New interventionist schemes against Soviet Russia—schemes that have been repeatedly signaled by the leading organs of the press in the Entente countries—will only further cement the indissoluble bond between the working masses of Russia and the workers’ and peasants’ power that embodies their will. Yet attempts to realize these schemes may well intensify the suffering of the working masses and delay the moment of Russia’s ultimate economic recovery—thereby dealing a blow to the economic interests of all other peoples as well.
The proposal put forward by the Russian government stands as the best testament to its earnest desire for peace with all
No. 3
I Mutual Claims
V OTHER
to each other
I To Other States

and to the establishment of undisturbed economic relations with them. The implementation of this proposal lies in the common interest of all nations and all peoples.
The Russian government expresses its firm hope that, as a result of its proposal, a final settlement of economic and political relations between Russia and other states will be achieved in the near future.

MEMORANDUM TO THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE COUNCIL OF PEOPLE’S COMMISSARS
October 26, 1921
H.
M. Knipovich is a towering figure in the scientific community—and undoubtedly a man of exceptional integrity, one whose conscientiousness is rare indeed. For this reason, we must approach his proposal with full confidence and accept it without delay*. Please expedite the process through the Small Council of People’s Commissars and let me know at once if there is even the slightest delay.
Lenin
* H. M. Knipovich wrote to V. I. Lenin:
“Dear Vladimir Ilyich… General Secretary of the Permanent International Council for the Exploration of the Sea, Dr. Drechsel (S. F. Drechsel), has approached me with a request that compels me to trouble you with this letter—because I do not know to whom else I should turn.
In 1901, this international organization was founded, bringing together, through their official representatives and expert consultants, not only the Scandinavian states, but also Germany, England, Russia with Finland, Belgium, and the Netherlands—each contributing specific sums to cover the costs associated with the council’s broad and highly productive work. A host of the finest minds in both pure science and applied marine research took part in the council’s activities. This work brought about a profound transformation in the field, for, beyond countless outstanding scholarly publications, it gave rise to a multitude of new instruments, novel research methods, and much more. Even more significantly, the international organization played a crucial role in equipping expeditions with advanced tools—including those sent to Russia. I had been a member of the council from its very inception, and in the final years before the outbreak of war—when representatives of the warring powers temporarily withdrew from its ranks—I served as one of its vice-presidents.
Russia’s last contribution, amounting to 14,000 rubles (for the 1914–1915 budgetary year), which was received by the General Secretary with my assistance in 1915, was—on the advice of the Danish Embassy—deposited by Drechsel in the Azov-Don Bank. Drechsel’s inquiry essentially asks: Is there anything we can do to ensure that the International Council—whose activities have continued uninterrupted to this day—can recover these funds?
Personally, I believe that Russia cannot fail to return these funds to an international scientific enterprise that has brought immense benefit—both to the world at large and to Russia in particular—in the sphere of its operations.”