V. I. Lenin.
DRAFT OF A STATEMENT "FROM THE EDITORS."
(Original text.)
Undertaking the publication of two social-democratic organs: a scientific-political journal and an all-Russian workers'
newspaper, we consider it necessary to say a few words about our program, about what we are striving for and how we understand
our tasks.
We are experiencing an extremely important moment in the history of the Russian
wo[rker's] movement and Russian social-democracy; everything seems
to indicate that our movement is in a critical stage: it has spread so widely and sent forth so many healthy shoots in the most diverse
corners of Russia, that now its desire to strengthen itself,
to take on a higher Form, to develop a definite physiognomy
and organization is manifesting itself with irresistible force. Indeed, the last few years have been characterized
by an astonishingly rapid spread of the ideas of social-democrat-
ism among our intelligentsia, and this current of public thought is met by a completely independent, spontaneous
movement of the industrial proletariat, which is beginning to un-

DRAFT OF A STATEMENT "FROM THE EDITORS"

Undertaking the publication of the political newspaper "Iskra", we consider
it necessary to say a few words about what we are striving for and how
we understand our tasks.
We are experiencing an extremely important moment in the history of the Russian worker movement and Russian social democracy. The last few years are characterized
by an astonishingly rapid spread of social-democratic ideas
among our intelligentsia, and this current of public thought is met by an independently arising movement of the industrial proletar-
iat, which begins to unite and fight against its oppressors,

TO THE EDITORS.

ite and fight against its oppressors, showing a keen desire for socialism.
Circles of workers and social- democrats and intelligentsia
are appearing everywhere, local agitation leaflets are appearing, the demand for social-democratic
literature is growing, immeasurably outstripping its supply,—
and intensified governmental persecutions are not able to
stop this movement.
The prisons are crammed, the places of exile are overflowing, you hear almost every month about the "failures" of socialists in all corners of Russia, about the capture of transports,
about the capture of agitators, about the confiscation of literature and printing houses, —
but the movement does not stop, but continues to grow, encompassing a wider area, penetrating ever deeper into the working class, attracting more
and more public attention. And all the economic development of Russia, the entire history of Russian public
thought and the Russian revolutionary movement vouch for the fact
that the social-democratic workers' movement will grow despite all obstacles and overcome them.
The main feature of our movement, which is particularly striking
in recent times, is its fragmentation, its artisanal, if one may say so, character: local circles
arise and operate almost completely independently of circles
in other places and even (which is especially important) from circles
that have operated and are operating simultaneously in the same centers; LENIN'S MISCELLANY
no tradition or continuity is established, and local literature fully reflects this fragmentation, reflects the lack
of connection with what has already been created by Russian social-democracy.
The current period seems critical to us precisely because
the movement is outgrowing this artisanal nature and this fragmentation, insistently demanding a transition to a higher, more united,
better and more organized Form, the creation of which we consider ourselves obliged to work on. It goes without saying
that in a certain period of the movement, at its beginning, this fragmentation
is completely inevitable, that the lack of continuity is created quite naturally by such an astonishingly rapid
and widespread growth of the movement after a long period of revolutionary
lull. It is also undeniable that the diversity of local
conditions, the difference in the situation of the working class in one or another
regions, and finally the peculiarities in the views of local activists
will always exist and that this very diversity testifies
to the vitality of the movement and to its healthy growth.
All this is so, but fragmentation and disorganization are not at all
a necessary consequence of this diversity. Preserving the continuity of the movement, uniting it does not at all
exclude diversity — on the contrary, they will even create a wider arena and a free field for it. At the present
moment of the movement, fragmentation begins to directly reveal a harmful [influence] effect and threatens to lead the movement
onto the wrong path: a narrow practicalism, detached from theoretical- no traditions are established, there is no continuity, and local literature
fully reflects the fragmentation and the lack of connection with what has already been created
by Russian social democracy.
The inconsistency of this fragmentation with the demands
caused by the strength and breadth of the movement creates, in our opinion, a critical
moment in its development. In the movement itself, the need to strengthen itself is manifesting itself with irresistible force, to develop a definite physiognomy
and organization, and in the meantime, among practically active
social democrats, the necessity of such a transition to a higher Form of movement is far from being universally recognized.
In quite wide circles, there is, on the contrary, a wavering of thought, a fascination with the fashionable "critique of Marxism"
and "Bernsteinism", the spread of the views of the so-called "economic" trend and, in inseparable connection with this, a desire to delay the movement at its lowest stage, a desire to relegate to the background the task of forming a revolutionary party leading the struggle at the head of the entire people. The fact that this kind of wavering of thought is observed among
Russian social democrats, that a narrow practicalism, detached from the theoretical-

DRAFT OF A STATEMENT "FROM THE EDITORS"
(35 theoretical illumination of the movement in its entirety, is capable of destroying the connection between socialism and the revolutionary movement in Russia, on the one hand, and between the spontaneous workers' movement, on the other. That this danger is not imaginary is proven by such literary works as the "Credo," which has already aroused quite legitimate protest and condemnation, further, as the "Separate Appendix" to "Rabochaya Mysl" (September 1899), this apendex most clearly expressed the tendency penetrating the entire newspaper "Rabochaya Mysl'," it begins to manifest a special direction in Russian Social-Democracy, and moreover such a direction that is capable of bringing direct harm and with which struggle is necessary. And Russian legal literature, with that parody of Marxism that is only capable of corrupting public] consciousness, further intensifies this disarray and this anarchy, thanks to which the famous (famous for his bankruptcy) Bernstein could declare in print before the whole world such an untruth, as if the majority of Social-Democrats acting in Russia stand for him.
theoretical illumination of the movement in its entirety, threatens to lead the movement onto a false path, this is a fact; this cannot be doubted by people directly familiar with the state of affairs in the majority of our organizations. Yes, there are also literary works that confirm this: it is enough to name at least the "Credo,"—which has already aroused quite legitimate protest, the "Separate Appendix to Rabochaya Mysl" (September 1899), which so clearly expressed the tendency penetrating the entire newspaper "Rabochaya Mysl," or finally—the appeal of the St. Petersburg "Group for the Self-Emancipation of the Working Class," composed in the spirit of the same "Economism."
II it is completely incorrect to assert "Rabocheye Delo" that the Credo represents no more than the opinion of individual persons, that the direction of "Rabochaya Mysl" expresses only the confusion and tactlessness of its editors, and not a special direction in the very course of the Russian workers' movement.
And alongside this, in the works of writers whom the reading public, with more or less reason, considered until now prominent representatives of "legal" Marxism, a turn towards views approaching bourgeois apologetics is being revealed more and more. The result of all this is the disarray and anarchy, thanks to which ex-Marxist or, rather, ex-socialist Bernstein, listing his successes, could declare in print, without encountering objections, that the majority of Social Democrats acting in Russia consists of his followers.
We do not want to exaggerate the danger of the situation, but to close our eyes to it would be immeasurably more harmful; that is why we wholeheartedly
Lenin Collection, IV

6 6
It would still be premature to judge how deep this discord is—how likely the formation of a special
direction is (we are by no means inclined to resolve these questions already
now in the affirmative sense, we are by no means losing hope
for the possibility of joint work), but to close our eyes to
the seriousness of the situation would be even more harmful than to
exaggerate this discord, and we wholeheartedly welcome the resumption
of literary activity by the "Emancipation of Labor Group"
and the struggle it has begun against attempts to distort and make
social-democratism commonplace.
The practical conclusion from all this is this: it is necessary for us,
Russian Social-Democrats, to unite and direct all efforts
towards the formation of a united and strong party, waging a struggle under
the banner of a revolutionary Social-Democratic program,
protecting the continuity of the movement and systematically
supporting its organization.
This conclusion is not new.
It
was already drawn by the Russian Social-Democrats 2 years ago, when
representatives of the largest Social-Democratic organizations
of Russia gathered at the congress of 1898 in the spring, forming the Russian
Social-Democratic Labor Party, publishing its "Manifesto,"
and recognized "Rabochaya Gazeta" as the official organ of the party. Recognizing ourselves as members of the Russian Social-
Democratic Labor Party, we fully share the basic ideas of the "Manifesto" and attach great importance to it as
an open, public declaration of those goals to which our party should strive.
Therefore, for us, as members of the party, the question of our immediate and direct tasks is posed
in this way: what plan of action should we adopt in order to achieve the most durable resumption
of the party possible? Some comrades (and even some groups and organizations) welcome the decision of the "Emancipation of Labor Group" to resume
its literary activity and begin a systematic struggle against attempts to distort and make social-democratism commonplace.
The practical conclusion from all this is this: we, Russian Social Democrats, must unite and direct all efforts towards the formation of a strong party fighting under the single banner of revolutionary social democracy.
It was precisely this task that was outlined by the congress of 1898, which formed the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party and published its Manifesto.
We recognize ourselves as members of this party, fully share the basic ideas of the "Manifesto," and attach great importance to it as an open statement of its goals.

DRAFT of the statement "FROM THE EDITORS" tions) hold the opinion that for this purpose it is necessary to resume the election of a central institution of the party and entrust it with resuming the publication of the party's organ. We consider such a plan to be erroneous or, at least, risky. To create and strengthen a party means to create and strengthen the unification of all Russian Social-Democrats, and such a unification cannot be simply decreed, it cannot be introduced by one single decision of some, say, meeting of representatives, it must be worked out. It is necessary to work out, firstly, a common literature of the party, common not only in the sense that it serves the entire [labor] Russian movement, and not individual regions, that it discusses the issues of the entire movement as a whole and helps the struggle of the conscious proletariat, and not only local issues, but common also in the sense that it unites all available literary forces, that it expresses all shades of opinions and views among Russian Social-Democrats, not as isolated workers, but as comrades connected by a common program and a common struggle in the ranks of one organization. It is necessary to work out, secondly, an organization specifically dedicated to relations between all centers of the movement, to the delivery of full and timely information about the movement and to the correct supply of the periodical press to all ends of Russia. Only when such an organization is worked out, when a Russian socialist post is created, will the party acquire a durable existence, only
tion of its goals.
Therefore, for us, as members of the party, the question of our immediate and direct task is posed in this way: what plan of action should we adopt in order to achieve the most durable resumption of the party possible?
The usual answer to this question is that it is necessary to re-elect a central institution and entrust it with resuming the party's organ.
But in the period of disarray we are experiencing, such a simple path would hardly be advisable.
To create and strengthen a party means to create and strengthen the unification of all Russian Social Democrats, and—for the reasons indicated above—such a unification cannot be decreed, it cannot be introduced by one single decision of some, say, meeting of representatives, it must be worked out. It is necessary to work out, firstly, a solid ideological unification, excluding the discord and confusion that—let's be frank!—reigns among Russian Social Democrats at the present time, it is necessary to consolidate this ideological unification with a party program.

then the party will become a real Fact, and consequently a powerful political force. We intend to dedicate our efforts to the first half of this task, i.e., the elaboration of a common literature, seeing in this the pressing need of the contemporary movement and a necessary preparatory step towards the resumption of the party's activity.
Secondly, it is necessary to develop an organization specifically dedicated to communication between all centers of the movement, the delivery of complete and timely information about the movement, and the proper supply of periodic press to all corners of Russia. Only when such an organization is developed, when a Russian socialist mail is created, will the party acquire a firm existence and become a real Fact, and, consequently, a powerful political force. We intend to dedicate our efforts to the first half of this task, i.e., the elaboration of a common, principled literature, capable of ideologically uniting revolutionary Social Democracy, seeing in this the pressing need of the contemporary movement and a necessary preparatory step towards the restoration of the party's activity.
As we have already said, the ideological unification of Russian Social Democrats still needs to be worked out, for which, in our opinion, an open and comprehensive discussion of the basic principled and tactical questions raised by contemporary “economists,” Bernsteinists, and “critics” is necessary. Before uniting, and in order to unite, we must first decisively and definitely draw a line. Otherwise, our unification would only be a Fiction, covering up the existing disunity and hindering radical elimination. It is therefore clear that we do not intend to make our organ a simple repository of diverse views. On the contrary, we will conduct it in the spirit of a strictly defined direction. This direction can be expressed in the word: Marxism, and we hardly need to add that we stand for the consistent development of the ideas of Marx and Engels and resolutely reject those half-hearted, vague, and opportunistic amendments that have now become so fashionable at the easy hand of Ed. Bernstein, P. Struve, and many others. But, discussing all questions from our definite point of view, we do not at all reject polemics between comrades on the pages of our organ. Open polemics before all Russian Social Democrats and conscious workers are necessary and desirable for clarifying the depth of existing disagreements, for a comprehensive discussion of controversial questions, for the struggle against extremes, into which inevitably fall not only representatives of different views, but even representatives of different localities or different "professions" of the revolutionary movement. We even consider, as noted above, one of the shortcomings of the contemporary movement to be the absence of open polemics between knowingly diverging views, the desire to keep under wraps disagreements concerning very serious questions.

DRAFT STATEMENT ((FROM THE EDITORS))
From the very nature of our task naturally follows the program according to which the organs published by us should be conducted. Much space should be given to theoretical questions in them, i.e., both to the general theory of Social-Democratism and to its application to Russian reality. The urgency of a broad discussion of these questions precisely at the present time is beyond doubt and requires no explanation after what has been said above. It goes without saying that in inseparable connection with the questions of general theory should also stand the acquaintance with the labor movement in the West, its history and its current state. Furthermore, we set as our goal a systematic discussion of all questions of politics: the Social-Democratic W[orkers'] party must respond to all questions raised by life in all areas, to questions of both internal and international politics, and we must strive to ensure that every Social-Democrat and every conscious worker formulates definite views on all fundamental questions - without this condition, broad and planned propaganda and agitation is impossible. The discussion of questions of theory and politics will be associated with the development of the party program, the necessity of which was already recognized by the congress of 1898, and we intend in the near future to publish a draft program, a comprehensive discussion of which should provide sufficient material for the future congress, before which will stand the task of adopting the program. Then, we recognize the discussion of questions of organization and methods of practical conduct of business as a particularly pressing task. The lack of continuity and fragmentation, about which it was said above, particularly harmfully affects the current state of party discipline, organizations, and conspiratorial technique. It is necessary to directly and openly admit that in this respect we, Social-Democrats, lag behind the old figures of the Russian revolutionary movement and other organizations operating in Russia, and it is need to apply all forces to fill the shortcomings in this respect. The broad attraction to the movement of [broad] masses of working and intelligent youth, the increased frequency of failures and the sophistication of governmental persecutions make

We will not list in detail those questions and topics that are included in the program of our organ, for this program follows by itself from the general concept of what a political newspaper published under the given conditions should be.

urgently necessary the propaganda of the principles and methods of party organization, discipline and conspiratorial technique. Such propaganda, if it is supported by all individual groups and all more experienced comrades, can and must lead to the development from young socialists and workers of skilled leaders of the revolutionary movement, capable of overcoming all obstacles that the oppression of the autocratic police state puts to our work, and responding to the demands of the working masses, spontaneously striving for socialism and political] struggle. Finally an analysis of this spontaneous movement (both in the working masses and in our intelligentsia) must, in connection with the themes outlined above, be one of our main tasks: we must understand the intelligentsia social movement that was organized [in that] in Russia the second half of the 90s and which combines various and sometimes disparate currents; we must carefully study the position of the working class in all areas of the national economy, study the forms and conditions of its awakening, its beginning struggle, so as to link into one inseparable whole Marxist socialism, which has already begun to take root on Russian soil, and the Russian working-class movement, to link the Russian revolutionary movement with the spontaneous upsurge of the popular masses. And only when such a connection is realized, can a Social-Democratic] W[orkers'] party be created in Russia, because Social-Democracy does not consist in merely serving the spontaneous labor movement (as some contemporary "practitioners" are sometimes inclined to think), Social-Democracy consists in uniting socialism with the labor movement. And only such a union makes it possible for the Russian proletariat to fulfill its first political task: to liberate Russia from the oppression of autocracy.
As for the distribution of the topics and questions we have outlined between the journal and the newspaper, this distribution will be determined exclusively by the differences in the volume of these publications, as well as the differences in their character: the journal should serve primarily propaganda, the newspaper primarily agitation. But both the journal and the newspaper must reflect all aspects of [the] life of the movement, and we would especially like to emphasize our negative attitude to such a plan, whereby the working-class newspaper publishes on its pages exclusively what directly

DRAFT STATEMENT ((FROM THE EDITORS))
strictly and most directly affects the spontaneous labor movement, relegating everything relating to the field of socialist theory, to the field of science, politics, issues of party organization, etc. to an organ "for intellectuals"].
On the contrary, it is necessary precisely to unite all specific facts and manifestations of the labor movement with the indicated questions, it is necessary to illuminate each particular fact with theory, it is necessary to propagate questions of politics and party organization among the broadest masses of the working class, it is necessary to introduce these questions into agitation.
That form of agitation which has almost exclusively dominated us until now – namely, agitation through local leaflets – is becoming insufficient: it is narrow, for it touches only local and mainly economic issues.
We must try to create a higher form of agitation – through a newspaper that periodically registers both workers' complaints and workers' strikes, and other forms of proletarian struggle, and all manifestations of political oppression throughout Russia, and draws definite conclusions from each such fact in relation to the ultimate goals of socialism and to the political tasks of the Russian proletariat.
((To broaden the scope and expand the content of our propaganda-agitational activity” – these words of P.B. Axelrod should serve as a slogan, determining the activity of Russian Social Democrats in the near future, and we adopt this slogan into the program of our organs.
Here naturally arises the following question: if the organs we propose are to serve the purposes of uniting all Russian Social Democrats and consolidating them into one party,
To the best of our ability, we will strive to ensure that all Russian comrades look at our publication as their own organ, to which each group would report all information about the movement, with which it would share its experience, its views, its requests for literature, its assessment of Social Democratic publications, would share, in a word, everything that it brings into the movement and everything that it takes out of it. Only under such a condition will it be possible to create a truly all-Russian Social Democratic organ. Only such an organ is capable of leading the movement onto a broad path of political struggle. “To broaden the scope and expand the content of our propaganda-agitational and organizational activity” – these words of P. B. Axelrod should become a slogan, determining the activity of Russian Social Democrats in the near future, and we adopt this slogan into the program of our organ.

then they must reflect all shades of opinion, all local peculiarities, all the diversity of practical methods. How to combine this unification of heterogeneous points of view with the editorial integrity of the organs?
Should these organs be a simple compendium of diverse views, or should they have an independent, completely definite direction?
We resolve these questions in the second sense, and we hope that an organ of a definite direction can be quite suitable (as we will say below) both for reflecting various points of view and for friendly polemics between collaborators.
In our views, we fully share all the basic ideas of Marxism (as they are expressed in the "Communist Manifesto") and in the programs of Western European Social Democrats) and stand for the consistent development of these ideas in the spirit of Marx and Engels, resolutely rejecting those half-hearted opportunistic amendments, which have now become so fashionable from Bernstein's light hand. We see the task of Social Democracy in organizing the class struggle of the proletariat, in promoting this struggle, in indicating its necessary ultimate goal, in analyzing the conditions that determine the method of conducting this struggle. The emancipation of the workers can be the act of the workers themselves alone. But without separating Social Democracy from the labor movement, we must not forget that its task is to represent the interests of this movement in all countries, in general and as a whole, that it must not fall into blind adoration of this or that particular *Phase*, in which this movement finds itself at one time or another, in one place or another. We consider it the duty of Social Democracy to support every revolutionary movement against the existing state and social order and see its goal in the conquest of political power by the working class, in the expropriation of the expropriators and the establishment of a socialist society. We resolutely reject any attempt to weaken or [confuse] obscure the revolutionary nature of Social Democracy, which is a party of social revolution, implacably hostile to all classes standing on the basis of the modern social order. In particular, we consider the historical task of Russian Social Democracy to be the overthrow of the autocracy: Russian Social Democracy is called upon to become the vanguard fighter of Russian democracy, is called upon to realize the goal that all social development of Russia sets before it and which the glorious figures of Russian

DRAFT of the statement "FROM THE EDITORS" revolutionary] movement. Only by indissolubly linking economic and political] struggle, only by spreading political] propaganda and agitation among wider and wider layers of the working] class, can social-democracy fulfill its calling.
From the indicated point of view (which in the most general outlines was indicated here, such as] a detailed exposition and justification of it had already been done more than once both by the Gr[oup for the] Emancipation] of Labor, and by the Manifesto of the Russian Social-Democratic W[orkers'] Party, and the "commentary" to it—the pamphlet "The Tasks of the Russian Social]-democracy," !) we will elucidate all theoretical and practical] questions on "Rabocheye Delo in Russia" 2) (justification] of the program of Russian] social-democracy]), and we will strive to connect all manifestations of the working] movement and democratic] protest in Russia with the indicated ideas.
But, conducting our literary] work from the point of view of a definite | trend, we by no means intend to pass off all the particularities of our views as the views of all Russian social-democrats, by no means intend to deny existing disagreements, to gloss over or suppress them.
On the contrary, we want to make our organs—organs for discussing all questions by all Russian social-democrats with views of the most various shades.
We not only do not reject polemics between comrades on the pages of our organs, but on the contrary, are ready to devote a great deal of space to it. Open polemics before all Russian social-democrats and conscious] workers are necessary and desirable to clarify the depth of existing disagreements, for a comprehensive discussion of controversial issues, for the struggle against the extremes into which representatives of different views, representatives of different localities or different "professions" of the revolutionary] movement inevitably fall.
We even consider one of the shortcomings of the contemporary] movement to be the absence of open polemics between admittedly divergent views, the desire to keep under wraps disagreements concerning very essential] questions.
Moreover: recognizing in the Russian working class and in Russian social-democracy the advanced fighter for democracy, for political] freedom, we consider it necessary to strive to make our organs general-democratic organs,—not in the sense that we would for a minute agree to forget about the class] antagonism between the proletariat and other classes, not in the sense that we would allow even the slightest blurring of the class struggle,—no, but in the sense that we put forward and discuss all democratic] questions, not limiting ourselves to narrowly proletarian] questions, put forward and discuss all cases and manifestations of political] oppression, show the connection between the workers' movement and the political] struggle in all its forms, attract all honest fighters against the autocracy, whatever their views, whatever classes they belong to, attract them to the support of the working class as the only revolutionary and irrevocably hostile force to absolutism. Therefore, addressing primarily Russian socialists and conscious] workers, we do not want to limit ourselves exclusively to them, we also call on all those who are oppressed and burdened by the contemporary] political system of Russia, who strive for the liberation of the Russian] people from their political] slavery, we call on them to support publications that devote their forces to organizing the workers' movement into a revolutionary political] party, we offer them the pages of our organs to expose all the abominations and crimes of the Russian autocracy.
We make this appeal, convinced that the banner of the political] struggle raised by Russian social-democracy can and must become a nationwide banner.
The tasks that we set ourselves are extremely broad and comprehensive, and we would not have dared to undertake such tasks if we had not drawn from all our experience an unwavering confidence that these are the vital tasks of the entire movement, if we had not secured the sympathy and promise of comprehensive and constant support 1) from several organizations of the Russian] Social-Democratic W[orkers'] Party and separate groups of Russian social-democrats working in different cities, 2) from the Gr[oup for the] Emancipation of Labor, which founded Russian social-democracy and always stood at the head of its theoreticians and its literary] representatives, 3) from a whole number of persons who do not belong to the organizations, but who sympathize with the social democratic working movement and have rendered it no small service. We will devote all our efforts to properly fulfilling the part of the common revolutionary] work that we are choosing, and we strive to ensure that all Russian comrades look upon our publications as their own organ, in which each group would communicate all information about the movement, with which it would share its views, its requests for literature, its experience, its assessment of social-democratic publications, would share, in a word, everything that it brings to the movement, and everything that it takes out of it.
Only under such a condition will it be possible to create a truly all-Russian Social-democratic] organ. Russian social-democracy is already becoming cramped in the underground in which individual groups and scattered circles conduct their work; it is time for it to come out onto the road of open preaching of socialism, onto the road of open political] struggle,—and the creation of an all-Russian social-democratic organ should be the first step on this path.
Whoever understands social democracy as an organization serving exclusively the spontaneous struggle of the proletariat can be satisfied only with local agitation and "purely working-class" literature.
We do not understand social democracy that way: we understand it as a revolutionary party directed against absolutism, inextricably linked with the workers' movement. Only the proletariat organized into such a party, this most revolutionary class of modern Russia, will be able to fulfill the historical task incumbent upon it: to unite under its banner all the democratic elements of the country and to complete the stubborn struggle of a whole series of perished generations with the final triumph over the hateful regime.
The newspaper will be published in the volume of 1–2 printed sheets per issue.
The date of publication, in view of the conditions of the Russian illegal press, is not determined in advance.
We have been promised — cooperation from several prominent representatives of international social democracy, the closest participation of the Emancipation of Labor Group (G. V. Plekhanov, P. B. Axelrod, V. I. Zasulich), and support from several organizations of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party, as well as separate groups of Russian social democrats.

1) Lenin's brochure "The Tasks of the Russian Social Democrats" (in the original text of the "Izvestia" it says: "social democracy") was written in exile at the end of 1897, published abroad in 1898, with a preface by P. B. Axelrod, who called the brochure a "commentary" on the Manifesto of 1898.
2) The brochure "Rabocheye Delo in Russia" was written by L. Martov in 1899 and published abroad by the Union of Russian Social Democrats.
In the preface from the editors it is stated that "the book provides a justification for the main demands of the Russian workers' movement."