Concerning the report of the Allies' decision to lift the blockade, Lenin said:

It is difficult to believe in the sincerity of such an indefinite proposal, which apparently is combined with preparations to attack us through the territory of Poland. At first glance, the plan of the Supreme Council looks fairly plausible – the resumption of trade relations through the intermediary of Russian cooperatives. But the cooperatives no longer exist – they were merged with our Soviet distribution organs. Therefore, what can the Allies' talk mean about wanting to deal with cooperatives? Of course, it is unclear.

That is why I say that more careful study convinces us that this Paris decision represents simply a move in the chess game of the Allies, the motives of which remain unclear.

Lenin was silent for a moment, and then added with a broad smile:

More unclear, for example, than the intention of Marshal Foch to visit Warsaw.

I asked whether he considered the possibility of a Polish offensive a serious one? (It should be recalled that in Russia there were discussions about the Poles attacking the Bolsheviks, and not the other way around.)

Without any doubt, – Lenin answered. – Clemenceau and Foch are very serious gentlemen indeed, and meanwhile one of them worked out this aggressive plan, and the other is preparing to implement it. This is, of course, a serious threat, but we have had to deal with more serious threats. However, this causes us not so much fear as disappointment at the fact that the Allies still continue to pursue the impossible. For a Polish offensive is just as incapable of resolving the Russian question in the manner desirable to them as was the offensive of Kolchak and Denikin in its time. Remember that Poland has many troubles of its own. And meanwhile it is clear that it cannot obtain help from any of its neighbors, including Romania.

However, it seems to me that peace is now closer than before, – I ventured to suggest.

Yes, that is correct. If peace is a natural consequence of trade with us, then the Allies will not be able to avoid it much longer. I have heard that Millerand, Clemenceau's successor, expresses a desire to consider the question of trade relations with the Russian people. It is possible that this testifies to a sharp change in sentiments among French capitalists. However, in England Churchill's positions are still strong, and Lloyd George, who probably wants to have business relations with us, does not dare openly to break with the political and financial circles that support Churchill's policy.