You must propose transferring her affairs to the People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs or entrust their review to such-and-such persons (with special additional assignment: to tally 200 billion).

A similar (more cautiously formulated) draft resolution you must submit to the Council of People's Commissars when you find candidates (Kerzhentsev[2] or someone else + ??).

Lenin

[1] On September 7, 1920, the Council of People's Commissars, having discussed the work of the commission of V. G. Groman (chairman) on investigating the losses inflicted on Russia's national economy by the imperialist and civil wars, adopted the decision: "To oblige the Groman commission to complete its work by October 1, providing a summary report to the Council of People's Commissars with a determination of the totals of expenditures and losses necessarily in prewar currency... By October 5 the commission is to be dissolved and all work transferred to the People's Commissariat of Labor." On October 5, 1920, the Council of People's Commissars took note of the communication from Deputy People's Commissar of Foreign Trade A. M. Lezava concerning the dissolution of the Groman commission (see also Lenin Miscellany XXXVII, p. 253).

[2] P. M. Kerzhentsev—party member since 1904. After the October Socialist Revolution—engaged in responsible party and diplomatic work. In 1918–1920—deputy editor of "Izvestia of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee," responsible director of ROST.

15746

NOTE TO CHAIRMAN OF THE RADIO COUNCIL
A. M. NIKOLAEV

[1920, before October 14]

Nikolaev— Radio relations with Rome.
Complaints that Moscow is not utilizing its time.

15960

NOTE TO M. I. GLASSER[1]

[1920, October 19]

No. I won't today. (I'll finish tomorrow). Please call Enukidze[2]—will there be a courier to Petrograd tomorrow and when should I deliver the packet?[3]

[1] M. I. Glasser—party member since 1917. From 1917 to 1924 worked in the secretariat of the Council of People's Commissars.

[2] A. S. Enukidze—party member since 1898. From 1918 to 1922—member of the Presidium and secretary of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee.

[3] This concerns an article for the journal "Communist International," "On the History of the Question of Dictatorship" (see Complete Collected Works, vol. 41, pp. 369–391). Written on the back of a note from secretary M. I. Glasser asking whether Lenin would continue work on the article after the Council of People's Commissars session.

15948

NOTE TO THE EDITORIAL BOARD OF THE JOURNAL
"COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL"

[October 21, 1920]

Editorial Board of "Communist International" in Petrograd— Yesterday I sent:

1) manuscript[1]
2) 2 books for reprinting[2]

Total = my entire article text.

Receive, immediately check, set in type (return everything to me).

[1] This concerns the article "On the History of the Question of Dictatorship," which was sent by Lenin for typesetting in Petrograd to the editorial board of the journal "Communist International" (see present collection, preceding document and Complete Collected Works, vol. 41, pp. 369–391). Lenin conducted proofreading of the article; in the proofs sent to him from Petrograd he made a series of corrections.

[2] Reference is made to the first volume of collected works "For 12 Years" and the pamphlet "Victory of the Cadets and Tasks of the Workers' Party."

15961

INTERVIEW WITH S. KH. AGURSKY[1]

[1920, before October 28]

I. AMERICA AND SOVIET RUSSIA

The opinion concerning the speedy establishment of trade relations between the United States and Russia has no factual basis.

Mr. Vanderlip[2] told us that he is convinced the new Republican government will establish trade relations with Soviet Russia, but I think he is mistaken, as he is not familiar with the international political situation. Mr. Vanderlip is a business man, a financial magnate. He and many others of his class are sincerely interested in the restoration of trade relations with us, but they are personally interested—wishing to deal with us. However, he does not understand that the United States of America is not at all as independent in its international policy as it seems to him; Great Britain and France can exert pressure on the United States toward a renewal of open war against us in the form of intervention, continuation of the blockade, etc. Such are the true facts regarding our relations with the United States.

But we may soon expect some changes in international relations in connection with our military successes on the Wrangel front, which we anticipate. Our military conditions now are much better than several months ago; Wrangel[3] will certainly be defeated, and his defeat will undoubtedly change international relations with Soviet Russia.

II. ON THE WORKER AND FARMER PARTY[4]

The appearance of a new worker and farmer party in the United States of America has enormous significance for the American and European movement, because the new party represents two dominant elements in America—workers and poor farmers.

It is true that this new party is not a socialist party and does not yet recognize socialist principles, but it unconsciously moves toward socialism...

The idea of creating a worker and farmer party is not new in American history. There has always been a tendency in the American labor movement toward the creation of such a party. The Populist Party[5] bore the same character as the new worker-farmer party. In the process of creating such parties, American workers will understand the mistakes they have made. They themselves will come to more revolutionary tactics and methods. They are moving toward socialism. They are moving toward communism.

III. ON THE AMERICAN COMMUNIST MOVEMENT

The tendency of our American comrades to ignore such mass movements as the worker-farmer party is a relic of sectarianism, which was so characteristic of the socialist movement in the past. The American Communist Party must be a sharply defined communist party. It must embody the basic principles of the Communist International. It is possible it will have only a small minority in the American revolutionary movement, but it must strive to become a mass movement through support for any action, revolutionary movement, and participation in revolutionary activity. American communists must work in the left wing of the American Federation of Labor,[6] must participate in the work of the Industrial Workers of the World (I.W.W.),[7] and must support such a movement as the worker-farmer party, although it is not yet a communist movement.

We have received very reliable information that in 1923 the American fleet will exceed the British. It is clear that ships are not being built for peaceful purposes. War is undoubtedly coming, and if a pacifist movement begins in the United States, then, although we do not believe in narrow pacifism, nevertheless it is necessary that communists support it. Only in this way can the American communist movement become a major factor in public life.

Printed from typescript
Translated from English

[1] S. Kh. Agursky arrived in Russia from America in July 1917 as a political émigré. Since 1918—member of the RCP(b). Was one of the organizers of international detachments of the Red Army for struggle against interventionists. Together with Williams signed an appeal to émigrés proficient in English, calling them to enter an international detachment to struggle against German invaders. The appeal was published in "Pravda" on February 24, 1918.

In 1920–1921 Agursky was received more than once by Lenin. On October 28, 1920, Agursky turned to Lenin with a request to review notes he had sketched concerning questions touched on in the conversation.

[2] Washington B. Vanderlip—engineer, representative of American industrial circles, who came to Soviet Russia in 1920 with a proposal to conclude a treaty on oil and coal concessions in Kamchatka.

[3] P. N. Wrangel—general of the old army, baron, zealous monarchist, one of the leaders of the counterrevolution in southern Russia.

[4] Worker and Farmer Party of the USA—Farmer-Labor Party. Created in 1920 from the left ranks of delegates at congresses of the National Labor Party and the "Committee of 48." The electoral platform of the Farmer-Labor Party reflected significant progress in the development of the democratic movement in the USA. It included such important demands as adoption of the principle of self-determination of oppressed nations, democratization of the political structure of the USA. The party came forward with demands for recognition of Soviet Russia and cessation of intervention against it.

[5] The Populist Party was created in 1891. The main base of the populist movement was agrarian districts (predominantly in the West), its contingents—farmers and petty urban bourgeoisie. The proletariat widely supported the party. The Populists spoke against trusts, for an 8-hour working day at state enterprises and institutions, against the growing aggressiveness of foreign policy. Subsequently the populist party fell into dependence on the Democratic Party, rejected its most radical slogans. Gradually it declined and disappeared from the political arena.

[6] American Federation of Labor (AFL)—the largest labor union organization, created in 1881. AFL leaders conducted a policy of cooperation with employers. In 1955 the AFL merged with the Congress of Industrial Organizations. The new organization is called the American Federation of Labor—Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL–CIO).

[7] Industrial Workers of the World (I.W.W.)—a labor union organization of American workers, founded in 1905; united mainly unskilled and low-paid workers of various professions.

25415

NOTE TO A. M. LEZAVA

1. XI [1920]

Comrade Lezava! Read this and give me your opinion in 2–3 words, please.*

Your Lenin

[1] Written on a letter from A. M. Gorky to V. I. Lenin requesting that he give instructions to Deputy People's Commissar of Foreign Trade A. M. Lezava to grant an expert commission the right, as an exception, to purchase artistic and antique objects from citizens of the Soviet Republic, allocating a specific sum of money to the commission for this purpose, so as to preserve these objects within the country.