V. I. Lenin

Speech Delivered at a Joint Session of the All-Russia Central Executive Committee, The Moscow Soviet of Workers’, Peasants’ and Red Army Deputies, Trade Unions,
And Factory Committees

May 5, 1920 [1] (Applause.) Comrades, I should like to draw your attention to a feature that, from the international
point of view or more correctly from the point of view of
Russia’s international position, distinguishes the present
war from previous wars. Of course, none of you doubt, or could
doubt, that this war is a link in a long chain of events revealing
the international bourgeoisie’s frantic resistance to the
victorious proletariat, a frantic attempt by the international
bourgeoisie to crush Soviet Russia, to overthrow the first Soviet
state at all costs and by all means. There cannot be the least
doubt that there is a connection between these events, between the
international bourgeoisie’s previous attempts and the present war. At the same time, however, we see the tremendous
difference between this war and previous wars, from the point of
view of our international position. We see the tremendous impetus
our struggle has given to the international working-class
movement. We see how the international proletariat reacts to
Soviet Russia’s victories, how the world proletarian struggle is mounting and gaining strength, and what gigantic work
has been carried out in the little more than the two years of the
Soviet Republic’s existence.

You remember how the most responsible and most powerful
ministers of the mightiest and unrivalled capitalist powers
announced quite recently that they had prepared an alliance of
fourteen powers against Russia; you know how, under pressure from
the powerful capitalists of France and Britain, this alliance
brought Yudenich, Kolchak and Denikin together, and how it drew up
a really grandiose and comprehensive war plan. If we destroyed
that plan, it was because the imperialists’ unity was illusory, and the forces of the international bourgeoisie cannot
stand up to a single trial when it comes to sacrificing
oneself. It appeared that, after four years of the imperialist
slaughter, the working people do not recognise the justice of a
war against us, and in them we have a great ally. The
Entente’s plan was really destructive, but it came to grief
because, despite their most powerful alliance, the capitalist
states could not carry it through, proved powerless to give it
effect. None of the powers, any one. of which could have the
advantage over us, could show unity, because the organised
proletariat does not support it; no army-neither the French nor
the British-could get its soldiers to fight on Russian soil,
against the Soviet Republic.

If, in our mind’s eye, we follow the desperate situations
our republic was faced with when, in fact, it was standing up to
the whole world, against powers far more powerful than it, and if
we recollect how we emerged fully victorious from these formidable
trials, then these recollections will give us a clear idea of what
we are confronted with now. Here we see a plan that is not new and
at the same time does not at all resemble the really comprehensive
and single plan we were faced with six months ago. What we have is
the relics of the former plan and, in the light of the international alignment of forces, this is the greatest assurance
of the futility of the present attempt. The former plan was an
attempt on the part of all the imperialist powers to crush the
workers’ and peasants’ republic, in alliance with all the small border states of the former Russian Empire, which had
been shamelessly and outrageously oppressed by the tsarist and
capitalist government of Great Russia. At present, several powers,
in alliance with one of the border states, are attempting to
accomplish that which proved impossible to all the imperialist
powers in alliance with all the border states, and was undertaken
by them twelve and six months ago in alliance with Kolchak,
Denikin and others. We now see the relics of the imperialists’ plan. The great tenacity being shown by the
bourgeoisie is a feature of the imperialist plans. They know that
they are fighting to retain power at home, and that it is not the
Russian or the Polish question that is being decided, but the
question of their own survival. It is therefore to be expected
that they will try to salvage the former and unsuccessful plan
from the wreck.

We can all clearly see the clash of the imperialist states’ interests. Despite all pronouncements by their
ministers about the peaceful settlement of questions in dispute,
the imperialist powers cannot in reality take a single serious
step in political matters without disagreeing. The French need a
powerful Poland and a powerful Russia of the tsarist brand, and
they are prepared to make every sacrifice to this end. Because of
her geographical position, Britain wants something else-the
break-up of Russia and a weak Poland, so as to ensure a balance
between France and Germany which would give the imperialist
victors control of colonies acquired by robbing Germany as a
consequence of the world war. Here the clash of interests is
really striking; no matter how the representatives of the
imperialist powers at San Remo [2] try to assure us that
there is full unanimity among the Allies, we know that this is not
the case.

We know that Poland’s offensive is a relic of the old plan that once united the entire international bourgeoisie. If
that ambitious plan failed at that time, even though from the
purely military standpoint it was assured of success, it is
hopeless today, even in that aspect. Furthermore, we know that the
imperialist powers, who have entered into an alliance with the
Polish bourgeoisie, and the Polish Government are in a bigger mess
than ever. Each political move made by the Polish bourgeoisie over
the past months, weeks and days has shown them up to their own
working people. They have been quarrelling with their allies, and
cannot make a single consistent move in their policy. At one
moment they announce their unyielding attitude to Soviet Russia
and the impos3ibility of conducting any kind of talks with her,
while at the next moment they raise the blockade, and solemnly
announce this on behalf of an allegedly existing alliance, an
allegedly existing League of Nations, and then they again commence
a policy of vacillation. In consequence of all this, the
imperialists have enabled us to prove that our policy is peaceful,
and that our international policy has nothing in common either
with tsarist policies or those of the Russian capitalists or the
Russian bourgeoisie, even a democratic bourgeoisie. We have proved
to the entire world that our foreign policy has nothing in common
with the policy constantly ascribed to us by all the bourgeois
press. Consequently, the Poles themselves have exposed every piece
of deception in their policy. The experience of three Russian
revolutions has shown us how they were prepared, and how each
served as the basis for the further development of home and
foreign policy. This experience has proved that in the preparation
of revolution those ruling classes are our most faithful. assistants which, laying claim to all kinds of
coalitions, constituent assemblies and so on, and asserting that
they represent the will of the people, in fact reveal-through
their own policy at every serious, difficult or crucial moment in
the life of the country-the self-interest of squabbling bourgeois
groups that cannot come to terms, rival capitalist groups that
unmask themselves a hundred times more effectively than communist
propaganda can do. In no country or state can the working
class-even if it is most revolutionary-ever he revolutionised by
any propaganda and agitation unless that agitation is backed up in
practice by the behaviour of the ruling classes of that
country.

What is now taking place in all capitalist countries (and this
will develop even more with time, particularly in a country like
Poland) makes us confident that, if we emerged victorious from a
war undoubtedly far more arduous, and if we have correctly
assessed the discord and the impossibility of reconciliation among
the bourgeoisie of various groups and parties at times when. they
stand in particular need of such unity, the present improvement in
our international position is enormous. This fills us with
confidence, not only in view of the internal alignment of forces,
but also of our international position. If we consider the entire
system of present-day imperialist states, and all their
strivings-and we know-that their urge to use any moment for an
attack on Russia is irresistible-and appraise them quite
objectively in the light of the incontrovertible facts of the
history of recent years and particularly of the past six months,
we shall see that the international enemy is weakening, that all
attempts at an alliance between the imperialists are becoming more
and more futile, and that, from this aspect, our victory is
assured.

However, comrades, while working on economic problems and
concentrating all our attention on peaceful economic construction,
we must rapidly re-form our ranks as we face the approach of a new
war. Our entire army, which has recently been a labour army, [3] must now turn its attention to other
matters. We must discontinue everything else and concentrate on
this new war. We are perfectly aware that, after all that we have
been through, we do not have to fear the enemy now facing us, but
he may impose new and heavy sacrifices on the workers and
peasants, may greatly impede our economic construction, and bring
about the devastation and ruin of tens, hundreds and thousands of
peasant households. He may also, by his temporary success, revive
the extinct hopes of the imperialists we have defeated, who will
of course not fail to join forces with this enemy. We must,
therefore, declare that the rule we have followed throughout all
previous wars must be resolutely reinforced. Since, despite all
our most conciliatory intentions and the fact that we made great
concessions and renounced all national claims, the Polish
landowners and the Polish bourgeoisie have forced a war on us;
since we are certain, and we must be certain, that the bourgeoisie
of all countries, even those that at present are not helping the
Poles, will help them when the war flares up, because it is not
only a Russian or a Polish issue, but one of the survival of the
entire bourgeoisie-then we must remember and at all costs
implement the rule which we have followed in our policy and which
has always been a guarantee of our success. That rule is: once
things have led to war, everything must be subordinated to the war
effort; the entire internal life of the country must he
subordinated to wartime needs; the slightest hesitation on this
score is inexcusable. No matter how hard it is for the great
majority of comrades to tear themselves away from their work,
which has only recently been switched onto a new course, more
gratifying and essential to the tasks of peaceful construction, it
must be remembered that the least oversight or inattention may
often mean the deaths of tens of thousands of our best comrades,
our younger generation of workers and peasants, our Communists
who, as always, are in the front ranks of the lighters. Therefore,
once more—everything for the war effort. No meeting, no
conference should he held without having as its first item the
question: have we done everything possible to help the war effort;
have our forces been sufficiently mobilised; have we sent
sufficient help to the front? Only those people who cannot help at
the front should remain here. Every sacrifice, every assistance
for the front, without the least hesitation! And, by concentrating
all efforts and making every sacrifice, we shall undoubtedly
triumph again. (Applause.)

Endnotes

[1]
The joint session of the All-Russia Central Executive Committee, the Moscow Soviet, and representatives of Moscow trade unions and factory committees, held on May 5, 1920, was
called in connection with the offensive launched by the whiteguard
Poles against Soviet Russia. The session was also attended by 300
worker Communists from Petrograd who ware going to the Polish
front. A single item was discussed-the position on the Polish
front. The session unanimously adopted a resolution calling upon
the workers and peasants to bend every effort for the defeat of
bourgeois-landowner Poland. —Editor.

[2]
The reference is to the Conference of the Entente Powers
held at San Remo (Italy) in April 1920. Among questions discussed
at the Conference were the draft peace treaty with Turkey, and
Germany’s observation of the Treaty of
Versailles. —Editor.

[3]
The use of Red Army regular units as labour detachments for
construction work was occasioned by the situation in the country
during the peaceful respite early in 1920, when any day could
bring a resumption of the imperialists’ armed intervention. In February 1920, in connection with the formation
of the labour army, Lenin pointed out, “The task of the
transition from war to peaceful development arises in such
peculiar conditions that we cannot disband the army, since we have
to allow, say, for the possibility of an attack by that selfsame
Poland or any of the powers which the Entente continues to incite
against us” (See

Report On The Work Of The All-Russia Central Executive Committee And The Council Of People’s Commissars Delivered At The First Session Of The All-Russia Central Executive Committee, Seventh Convocation ).

The war that broke out against bourgeois-landowner Poland and Wrangel made necessary the transfer
of the labour detachments to a wartime footing. —Editor.