provided a place for others, so that others could get a bite to eat. Of course,"
here we need to fight against prejudices.
When concessionaires come to us, we must tame our trade unions so that they do not demand the excessive.
You know that the usual terms of the contract are short.
In Europe long-term contract conditions do not exist. The usual term is 6 months. Thus, workers can get a bite to eat, get
shoes and clothes, and then leave and make way for others.
Is it absolutely impossible for us to organize the matter like this: worked for six months, got a bite to eat, received American shoes and
clothes, give way to others? Of course, it will be difficult.
This requires more organization and discipline than we have,
but it is not impossible. If we managed to keep the workers for three years of terrible
famine against the invasion of foreign capital, then will we not succeed here? I am perfectly
aware of what difficulties will be encountered on this path. And therefore,
I say that a concession does not mean the onset of peace between
classes. A concession is a continuation of the war between classes.
If before the war consisted of the fact that I will starve you
and you will not get anything, then now I will say that I want
to give a pair of shoes, but so that the workers work for six months. And we
will fight for the workers to receive shoes all the time. We do not abandon
strikes, everything remains in our hands. This remains if we are only reasonable and try to emphasize now
what we can use to lure capitalists to us.
Here they say that it is very terrible that he will come and pounce on us, but I assert that it is not terrible and that it is desirable for raising
productivity that he comes, because he has a perfectly organized rear, excellently equipped
factories where we can order the necessary parts, and not buy them on the free market - because on the free
market there is only junk. At first-class factories, orders are scheduled for several years
ahead. Even if we paid with our gold, we would still get nothing, and a member of the syndicate will get everything. And we are not sorry to pay him extra, if only
to improve at least a small part of the workers and peasants, because every additional product will go in exchange
for bread to the peasants, which means it will create a stable relationship between the working
class and the peasantry.
So, I conclude with a request that professionals from of questions of principle, abandon disputes. All these are empty
disputes, all this is scholasticism. It needs to be abandoned. All attention
should be paid to those practical conditions of concessionary
agreements, from which we, if we are not stupid, will benefit
ourselves. Professionals and party leaders must show their ingenuity and their practical knowledge of the conditions,
which we cannot and will not talk about in the press, because capitalists are watching the Russian press, just as we did not
talk during the Brest Treaty about what instructions were given to comrade IOFFE. In practice, we will pay attention to those practical
methods from which we can benefit for improving the situation of workers and peasants. Any such improvement for
us is of enormous importance. This is what professionals
should pay attention to. It is necessary that no frictions, no prejudices
remain. This is a difficult matter. No one wants to conclude concessions with us yet. Everyone is waiting for us to make
impossible demands.
Therefore, on our part, we must absolutely direct all efforts
to concluding several such agreements.
Of course, we have made a number of mistakes. It is a new matter. Until now,
no socialist republic has concluded any concessions with capitalists. But we need
professionals to help us. Here is a huge scope for interpretations and pressures,
right up to strikes, which remain in our hands.

1 See footnote 2 on p. 149.
• Lenin has in mind "The plan for the electrification of the RSFSR.
Introduction to the report to the VIII Congress of Soviets
of the State
Commission for the Electrification of Russia". Gostekhizdat. M. 1920.
3 D. Ryazanov and A. Shlyapnikov conducted demagogic agitation among professionals against concessions. Lenin's speech at the Fraction
put an end to the hesitation of part of the trade union
workers on this issue.
Shlyapnikov and Ryazanov, foreseeing that their demagogic activity
will be exposed at this meeting, as it actually happened, immediately
after
Lenin's speech stated that they did not understand the reasons that prompted Lenin to speak to the All-Union Central Council of Trade Unions Fraction, since
in the Fraction there are supposedly no fundamental disagreements regarding
the concessions.
4 Lines of speeches made by Lenin on the back of excerpts from reports
by specialists of the NOFTLPICON (see p. 142 of this collection).
f t Marshey spoke about improved supplies
£/s for workers employed at concessionary enterprises, compared to the rest.
3/ 3.
0 See p. 150 of this collection.
7 Apparently, Lenin has in mind M. Tomsky and A. Goltsman.
NOTE BY A. M. LEZHAVA

8 The agreement in question was concluded in Kutaisi on March 15-16,
1921 between the Georgian Revolutionary Committee and representatives of the Menshevik
government of Georgia. A. Enukidze was a representative
of the government of the RSFSR and presided over the conclusion of this agreement. The essence
of the agreement between the Georgian Revolutionary Committee and the Menshevik government was
that the Mensheviks gave up part of Guria without a fight, i.e., approximately
7/8 of Georgia. (The remaining regions of Georgia were occupied by the insurgent
forces of the Revolutionary Committee.) On the day the agreement was concluded, part of the revolutionary
minded troops of the Menshevik government went over to the side
of the Revolutionary Committee. With joint efforts, Turkish troops were driven from the territory
of Batum and Adjara. Following this, the Menshevik government
fled to Constantinople.

9 In 1921, concession agreements for the Chiatura mines were not
concluded.
After the establishment of Soviet power in Transcaucasia, the manganese
plants [not mines] were transferred on special conditions to the "Chamo" association, which included both foreign and Russian former owners.
The association received the right to mine and process ore, as well as
export it abroad. In 1925, Chamo was liquidated, and the Chiatura
mines were leased to Harriman.

10 On the telegram to US President Harding, see below p. 190, note 1 and Lenin, Works, vol. XXVI, p. 9.
11 Lenin has in mind the article "On 'Left-Wing' Childishness and Petty-Bourgeois Mentality," see Works, vol. XXII, p. 523.
12 It was not possible to establish which brochure Lenin has in mind.
13 Lenin has in mind the book published in Berlin in 1919: "Erich
Ludendorf, Meine
Kriegserinnernngen
1914-1918".
In Russian language it was published in 1924 under the title "My Memories of the War of 1914-1918,"
published by RVSR and Giz.

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