V. I. Lenin

Theses On The Present Political Situation. [1]

I

The extreme instability of the international situation of the
Soviet Republic, surrounded as it is by imperialist powers, has
been frequently pointed out in the Bolshevik press and has been
admitted in the resolutions of the higher organs of Soviet
power.

During the past few days, i.e., the first ten days of May 1918,
the political situation has become extremely critical owing to
both external and internal causes:

First, the direct offensive of the counter-revolutionary forces
(Semyonov and others) with the aid of the Japanese in the Far
East has been stepped up, and in connection with it there are a
number of signs indicating the possibility of the entire
anti-German imperialist coalition coming to an agreement on the
presentation of an ultimatum to Russia either fight against
Germany, or there will be a Japanese invasion aided by us.

Secondly, since Brest the war party has gained the upper hand in
German politics in general, and this party could now, at any
moment, gain the upper hand on the question of an immediate
general offensive against Russia, i.e., it could completely
overcome the other policy of German bourgeois-imperialist
circles that strive for fresh annexations in Russia but for the
time being want peace with her and not a general offensive
against her.

Thirdly, the restoration of bourgeois-landowner monarchism in
the Ukraine with the support of the Constitutional-Democratic
and Octobrist elements of the bourgeoisie of all Russia arid
with the aid of the German troops was bound to make the struggle
against the counter-revolution in Russia more intense., was
bound to encourage the plans and raise the spirit of our
counter-revolutionaries.

Fourthly, the disorganised food situation has become extremely
acute and in many places has led to real hunger because we were
cut off from Rostov-on-Don and because of the efforts of the
petty bourgeoisie and the capitalists in general to sabotage the
grain monopoly, accompanied by insufficiently firm, disciplined
and ruthless opposition on the part of the ruling class, i.e.,
the proletariat, to those strivings, efforts and attempts.

II

The foreign policy of Soviet power must not be changed in any
way. Our military preparations are not yet complete, and our
general slogan. therefore, will remain as before—manoeuvre, withdraw, bide our time, and continue
our preparations with all our. might.

Although we do not ill general reject military agreements with
one of the imperialist coalitions against the other ill those
cases in which such an agreement could, without undermining the
basis of Soviet power, strengthen its position and paralyze the
attacks of any imperialist power, we cannot at the present
moment enter into a military agreement with the Anglo-French
coalition. For them, the importance of such an agreement would
be the diversion of German troops from the West, i.e., by means
of the advance of many Japanese army corps into the interior of
European Russia, which is an unacceptable condition since it
would mean the complete collapse of Soviet power. If the
Anglo-French coalition were to present us with an ultimatum of
this kind we should reject it, because the danger of the
Japanese advance can more easily be paralysed (or can be delayed
for a longer time) than the threat of the Germans occupying
Petrograd, Moscow and a large part of European Russia.

III

In considering the tasks of the foreign policy of Soviet power
at the present moment, the greatest caution, discretion and
restraint must be observed in order not to hel the extreme
elements in the war parties of Japan and Germany by any
ill-considered or hasty step.

The fact of the matter is that the extreme elements in the war
parties of both these countries favour an immediate general
offensive against Russia for the purpose of occupying all her
territory and overthrowing Soviet power. At any moment these
extreme elements may gain the upper hand.

On the other hand, however, it is an undoubted fact that the
majority of the imperialist bourgeoisie in Germany are against
such a policy and at the present moment prefer the annexationist
peace with Russia to a continuation of the war for the simple
reason that war would divert forces from the West and increase
the instability of the internal situation in Germany that is
already making itself felt; it would also make it difficult to
obtain raw materials from places involved in insurrection or
that are suffering from damage to railways, from failure to
plant sufficient crops, etc., etc.

The Japanese urge to attack Russia is being held back, first, by
the danger of the movement and of revolts in China, and
secondly, there is a certain antagonism on the part of America,
the latter fearing the strengthening of Japan and hoping to
obtain raw materials from Russia more easily under peaceful
conditions.

It goes without saying that it is quite possible for the extreme
elements of the war parties in both Germany and Japan to gain
the upper hand at any moment. There can be no guarantee against
this until the revolution breaks out in Germany. The American
bourgeoisie may plot together with the Japanese bourgeoisie, or
the Japanese with the German. It is, therefore, our imperative
duty to make the most energetic preparations for war.

As long as there remains even a slight chance of preserving
peace or of concluding peace with Finland, the Ukraine and
Turkey, at the cost of certain new annexations or losses, we
must not take a single step that might aid the extreme elements
in the war parties of the imperialist powers.

IV

The primary task in undertaking more energetic military
training, as in the question of combating famine, is that of
orgainsation.

There cannot be any really serious preparation for war unless
the food difficulties are overcome, unless the population is
properly supplied with bread, unless the strictest order is
introduced on the railways, unless truly iron discipline is
established among the masses of the working people (and not only
at the top). It is in this field that we are most backward.

Guiltiest of all of a complete lack of understanding of this
truth are the Left Socialist-Revolutionary and anarchist
elements with their screaming about “insurrectionary committees” and their howls of “to arms”,
etc. Such screams and howls are the quintessence of stupidity
and are nothing but pitiful, despicable and disgusting phrase-making; it is ridiculous to talk about
“insurrection” and “insurrectionary committees” when Soviet central power is doing its utmost
to persuade the people to start military training and arm
themselves, when we have more weapons than we can count and
distribute, when it is precisely the economic ruin and the lack
of discipline that prevent us from using the weapons available
and compel us to lose valuable time that could be used for
training.

Intensified military training for a serious war cannot be done
by means of a sudden impulse, a battle-cry, a militant slogan;
it requires lengthy, intense, persistent and disciplined work on
a mass scale. We must deal ruthlessly with the Left
Socialist-Revolutionary and anarchist elements that do not wish
to understand this, and must not give them an opportunity to
infect certain elements of our proletarian Communist Party with
their hysteria.

V

It is essential to wage a ruthless struggle against the
bourgeoisie, which on account of the above circumstances has
raised its head during the past few days, and to declare a state
of emergency, close newspapers, arrest the leaders and so
on. These measures are as necessary as the military campaign
against the rural bourgeoisie, who are holding back grain
surpluses and infringing the grain monopoly. There will he no
salvation either from the counter-revolution or from famine
without iron discipline on the part of the proletariat.

In particular it must be borne in mind tat during the past few
days the bourgeoisie have been making extremely skilful and
cunning use of panic-spreading as a weapon against proletarian
power. Some of our comrades, especially those who are less
resolute in their attitude to the Left Socialist-Revolutionary
and anarchist revolutionary phrases, have allowed themselves to
be diverted, have got into a panic or have failed to observe the
line that divides legitimate and necessary warning of the coming
danger from the spreading of panic.

The basic specific features of the entire present economic and
political situation in Russia must be kept firmly in mind;
because of these features our cause cannot be helped by
outbursts. We must become firmly convinced ourselves and try to
convince all workers of the truth that only restraint and
patient creative work to establish iron proletarian discipline,
including ruthless measures against hooligans, kulaks and
disorganising elements, can protect Soviet power at this moment,
one of the most difficult and dangerous periods of transition,
unavoidable owing to the delay of the revolution in the West.

Endnotes

[1]
Theses on the Present Political Situation were drafted by Lenin on May 10, 1918 and discussed on the same day at a
meeting of the Central Committee of the Russian Communist Part
(Bolsheviks). The final, edited version of the theses was
approve by the Central Committee on May 13; all members of the
Central Committee who attended the meeting voted in favour,
except G. Y. Sokolnikov and J. V. Stalin. Later, the majority of
members of the Central Committee living in Petrograd gave their
support to the theses. The Central Committee entrusted Lenin
with the task of making the reports to the Moscow City
Conference of the R.C.P.(B.) and the Joint Meeting of the
All-Russia C.E.C. and the Moscow Soviet, and of moving these
theses as a resolution. The same day Lenin delivered a report
based on the theses at the Moscow City Party Conference, which
voted its approval.