V. I. Lenin

The Germans’ reply, as the reader sees, sets us peace terms still more onerous than
those of Brest-Litovsk. Nevertheless, I am absolutely convinced that only complete
intoxication by revolutionary phrase-making can impel some people to refuse to sign these
terms. It was precisely on that account that, by articles in Pravda (signed Karpov)
on “The Revolutionary Phrase” and on “ The Itch ”, I began a relentless struggle against revolutionary phrase-making, which I saw and see now as
the greatest menace to our Party (and, consequently, to the revolution as well). On many
occasions in history revolutionary parties which were strictly carrying out revolutionary
slogans became infected with revolutionary phrase-making and perished as a result.

Hitherto I have been trying to persuade the Party to fight
against revolutionary phrase-making. Now I must do this
publicly.

For—alasl—my very worst suppositions have proved justified.

On January 8, 1918, at a meeting of about 60 of the chief Party workers of Petrograd I
read out my “Theses on the Question of the Immediate Conclusion of a Separate and
Annexationist Peace” (17 theses, which will be published tomorrow). In these theses
(paragraph 13) 1 declared war against revolutionary phrase-making, doing so in the mildest
and most comradely fashion (I now profoundly condemn this mildness of mine). I said that the
policy of refusing the proposed peace “would, perhaps, answer the needs of someone who
is striving for an eloquent, spectacular and brilliant effect, but would completely fail to
reckon with the objective relationship of class forces and material factors at the present
period of the socialist revolution that has begun”.

In the the thesis I wrote that if we refuse to sign the proposed peace, “very heavy
defeats will compel Russia to conclude a still more unfavourable separate peace”.

Things have turned out still worse, for our army, which is retreating and demobilising, is
refusing to fight at all.

Under such conditions, only unrestrained phrase-making is capable of pushing Russia into
war at the present time and I personally, of course, would not remain for a second either in
the government or in the Central Committee of our Party if the policy of phrase-making were
to gain the upper hand.

The bitter truth has now revealed itself with such terrible clarity that it is impossible
not to see it. The entire bourgeoisie in Russia is rejoicing and gloating over the arrival of
the Germans. Only those who are blind or intoxicated by phrases can close their eyes to the
fact that the policy of a revolutionary war (without an army ... ) brings grist to
the mill of our bourgeoisie. In Dvinsk, Russian officers are already going about wearing
their shoulder-straps.

In Rezhitsa, the bourgeoisie exultantly welcomed the Germans. In Petrograd, on Nevsky
Prospekt, and in bourgeois newspapers (Rech, Dyelo Naroda, Novy Luch, etc.), they
are licking their lips with delight at the impending overthrow of Soviet power by the
Germans.

Let everyone know: he who is against an immediate, even though extremely onerous peace, is
endangering Soviet power.

We are compelled to endure an onerous peace. It will not halt the revolution in Germany
and in Europe. We shall set about preparing a revolutionary army, not by phrases and
exclamations (after the manner of those who since January 7 have done nothing even to halt
our fleeing troops), b~t by organisational work, by deeds, by the creation of a
proper, powerful army of the whole people.

Lenin