Date: 1917
Source: ru:PSS/v32

Lenin, on behalf of the Central Committee, extends a warm welcome to all social‑democratic internationalists, regardless of their factional affiliations.

The speaker then turns to the question of how the European war might be brought to an end. Here, it becomes clear that his vision for resolving the European crisis is far less optimistic than that of A. Lunacharsky{96}. The formula “no annexations,” he argues, by no means signifies a desire to restore Europe to its “status quo ante”[17]. To us, “no annexations” means not only the abolition of territorial conquests carried out prior to the current war—but also the complete liberation of peoples to secede from certain states and join others. Yet the realization of such a formula is impossible without a socialist revolution; consequently, there is no other way to end the European war except through a worldwide revolution.

Turning to the issue of fraternization, Lenin declares: spontaneous fraternization may not resolve the world’s problems, but we place it at the very heart of revolutionary work. Fraternization alone does not settle the question—but then again, no other measure can bring about revolution until it leads directly to it. What, after all, is a strike or a demonstration? These are merely links in the broader chain of revolutionary struggle. Some claim that fraternization has worsened conditions on other fronts. This is incorrect. In fact, it has established a de facto truce on our own front and triggered minor shifts along the Western Front. But whose interests does this serve? It serves the interests of Britain and France. Meanwhile, in Asia, Britain has achieved significant success—she has seized Baghdad. The cessation of hostilities on our front was brought about by revolutionary fraternization—a movement against which Kerensky wages war, a movement against which the Mensheviks have launched an offensive, one that they themselves signed off on.

We must make fraternization a conscious endeavor; we must ensure that it evolves into an exchange of ideas, that it spreads to other fronts, and that it ignites revolution beyond the trenches.

Moving on to the question of industrial regulation, the speaker remarks: since February 28, the government has taken not a single step to curtail the exorbitant profits of industrialists. Just the other day, we read of the formation of a commission—including several ministers led by Skobelev—to devise measures of control. But commissions existed under the tsarist regime as well—such efforts were nothing more than empty deception. The speaker emphasizes the urgent need to seize landed estates from the landlords—and concludes his speech by asserting that the Soviets of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies must either seize full power or perish in ignominious defeat.

Notes are being passed to the speaker from all sides. Within a short span of time, their number reaches twenty. The first note poses the question: should marching companies be sent to the front? In response to this query, Lenin states: while the tsarist regime still held sway, we had no choice but to enlist in the army and labor there. Liebknecht donned the uniform in order to wage agitation against the war. To believe that isolated anarchist actions could put an end to the war is naively simplistic.

“New Life,” No. 37, June 1 (14), 1917

Printed according to the text of the newspaper “New Life.”