1. The old tsarist power, representing only a handful of serf-owning landlords commanding the entire state machine (army, police, bureaucracy), has been smashed and removed, but not finished off. The monarchy has not been formally abolished. The Romanov gang continues its monarchical intrigues. The gigantic landed property of the serf-owning landlords has not been liquidated.

2. State power in Russia has passed into the hands of a new class, namely: the bourgeoisie and the bourgeoisified landlords. Insofar as the bourgeois-democratic revolution in Russia is concerned, it is finished.

The bourgeoisie that has seized power has concluded a bloc (alliance) with openly monarchist elements, who had demonstrated themselves through an unprecedented zeal in supporting Nicholas the Bloody and Stolypin the Hangman in 1906–1914 (Guchkov and others, politicians standing to the right of the Cadets). The new bourgeois government of Lvov and Co. attempted and began negotiations with the Romanovs concerning the restoration of the monarchy in Russia. Under cover of revolutionary phraseology, this government appoints supporters of the old order to command posts. The entire apparatus of the state machine (army, police, bureaucracy)—this government endeavors to reform as little as possible, handing it over into the hands of the bourgeoisie. To the revolutionary initiative of mass action and the seizure of power by the people from below—the sole guarantee of the revolution's actual successes—the new government has already begun in every way to obstruct.

This government has not even set a date for the convocation of the Constituent Assembly. It does not touch the landlords' landed property, this material foundation of serf-owning tsarism. It does not even think of proceeding to an investigation of the actions, a disclosure of the actions, a supervision of monopolist financial organizations, large banks, syndicates and cartels of capitalists, and so on.

The most important, decisive ministerial posts in the new government (the ministry of internal affairs, the ministry of war—that is, command of the army, police, bureaucracy, the entire apparatus of oppression of the masses)—belong to avowed monarchists and supporters of large landlord property. The Cadets, yesterday's republicans, republicans by force of circumstance, are given secondary posts having no direct relation to command over the people and to the apparatus of state power. A. Kerensky, a representative of the Trudoviks and a "would-be socialist," plays absolutely no role except that of lulling the people's vigilance and attention with sonorous phrases.

For all these reasons, even in the sphere of internal policy, the new bourgeois government deserves no confidence whatsoever from the proletariat, and no support for it is permissible on the proletariat's part.