**Source: PSS vol. 35**

The Workers' and Peasants' Government, created by the revolution of October 24–25 and resting upon the Soviets of workers', soldiers', and peasants' deputies, proposes to all the warring peoples and their governments to begin immediately negotiations for a just democratic peace.

A just or democratic peace, which the overwhelming majority of workers and toiling classes of all warring countries, exhausted, tormented and torn by war, thirsts for{7}—a peace which the Russian workers and peasants most definitely and insistently demanded after the overthrow of the tsarist monarchy—such a peace the government considers to be an immediate peace without annexations (that is, without the seizure of foreign lands, without the forcible incorporation of foreign nationalities) and without indemnities.

The government of Russia proposes to all the warring peoples to conclude such a peace immediately, expressing its readiness to take without the slightest delay all decisive steps forthwith, pending the final ratification of all the conditions of such a peace by the constituent assemblies of the people's representatives of all countries and all nations.

By annexation or the seizure of foreign lands, the government understands, in accordance with the legal consciousness of democracy in general and the toiling classes in particular, the incorporation of any small or weak nationality into a large or strong state without the precise, clear, and voluntary consent of that nationality, regardless of when such forcible incorporation was accomplished, regardless also of how developed or backward the nationality is that is being forcibly incorporated or forcibly retained within the boundaries of the given state. Regardless, finally, of whether that nationality lives in Europe or in the distant overseas countries.

If any nationality whatsoever is retained within the boundaries of the given state by force, if it is denied, contrary to its own expressed desire—regardless of whether this desire is expressed in the press, in popular assemblies, in the decisions of parties, or in revolts and uprisings against national oppression—the right by free voting, with the complete withdrawal of troops of the annexing or in general stronger nation, to decide without the least compulsion the question of the forms of state existence of that nationality, then the incorporation of it is an annexation, that is, seizure and violence.

To continue this war for the purpose of deciding how to partition among the strong and rich nations the weak nationalities they have seized, the government considers the greatest crime against humanity and solemnly declares its determination to sign immediately the conditions of peace terminating this war on the stated conditions, equally just for all nationalities without exception.

At the same time, the government declares that it by no means considers the above-stated conditions of peace to be ultimative, that is, it agrees to consider any other conditions of peace as well, insisting only on their being proposed as quickly as possible by any of the warring countries and on complete clarity, on the unconditional exclusion of any ambiguity and any secrecy in the proposal of the conditions of peace.

Secret diplomacy the government abolishes, expressing on its own part a firm intention to conduct all negotiations completely openly before the entire people, proceeding immediately to the complete publication of the secret treaties, confirmed or concluded by the government of landlords and capitalists from February to October 25, 1917. The entire content of these secret treaties, insofar as it was directed, as in the majority of cases it was, toward securing advantages and privileges for Russian landlords and capitalists, toward the retention or increase of the annexations of Great Russians, the government declares to be unconditionally and immediately annulled.

Addressing its proposal to the governments and peoples of all countries to begin immediately open negotiations on the conclusion of peace, the government expresses on its own part its readiness to conduct these negotiations both by means of written correspondence, by telegraph, and by means of negotiations between representatives of various countries or at a conference of such representatives. To facilitate such negotiations, the government appoints its authorized representative to the neutral countries.

The government proposes to all governments and peoples of all warring countries to conclude an armistice immediately; on its own part it considers it desirable that this armistice be concluded for no less than 3 months—that is, for such a period as would make it fully possible both to complete negotiations on peace with the participation of representatives of all nationalities or nations without exception, drawn into the war or compelled to participate in it, and likewise to convene the constituent assemblies of people's representatives of all countries for the final ratification of the conditions of peace.

In addressing this proposal of peace to the governments and peoples of all warring countries, the provisional Workers' and Peasants' Government of Russia addresses itself also with particular emphasis to the conscious workers of the three most advanced nations of humanity and the largest states participating in the present war: England, France, and Germany. The workers of these countries have rendered the greatest services to the cause of progress and socialism: the great examples of the Chartist movement in England{8}, the series of revolutions possessing world-historical significance carried out by the French proletariat, finally, in the heroic struggle against the exceptional law in Germany{9} and the exemplary, for the workers of the entire world, prolonged, stubborn disciplined work of creating mass proletarian organizations of Germany. All these examples of proletarian heroism and historical creativity serve as a pledge to us that the workers of the said countries will understand the tasks now lying upon them of liberating humanity from the horrors of war and its consequences, that these workers by many-sided, decisive, and utterly devoted energetic activity will help us successfully bring to completion the work of peace and at the same time the work of the liberation of the toiling and exploited masses of the population from all slavery and all exploitation.

The Workers' and Peasants' Government, created by the revolution of October 24–25 and resting upon the Soviets of workers', soldiers', and peasants' deputies, must immediately begin negotiations on peace. Our appeal must be directed both to governments and to peoples. We cannot ignore governments, for otherwise the possibility of concluding peace is prolonged, and a people's government dare not do this, but we have no right simultaneously not to appeal to the peoples. Everywhere governments and peoples diverge from each other, and therefore we must help the peoples to intervene in questions of war and peace. We shall, of course, defend our entire peace program without annexations and indemnities to the utmost extent. We shall not retreat from it, but we must knock from our enemies' hands the possibility of saying that their conditions are different and therefore there is no point in entering into negotiations with us. No, we must deprive them of this advantageous position and not pose our conditions as ultimative. Therefore it is included that we will consider any conditions of peace, any proposals. To consider—that still does not mean that we will accept. We will submit them for discussion to the Constituent Assembly, which will already have the power to decide what can and what cannot be conceded. We are fighting against the deception of governments, which all speak about peace and justice in words, but in fact conduct wars of conquest and plunder. No government will say everything it thinks. We, on the other hand, are against secret diplomacy and will act openly before the entire people. We do not close and have not closed our eyes to difficulties. War cannot be ended by refusal; war cannot be ended by one side alone. We propose an armistice of three months, but we do not reject even a shorter term, so that for at least some time the tormented army might breathe freely, and besides, in all cultured countries it is necessary to convene popular assemblies to discuss the conditions.

In proposing to conclude an armistice immediately, we appeal to the conscious workers of those countries which have done much for the development of the proletarian movement. We appeal to the workers of England, where there was the Chartist movement, to the workers of France, who have repeatedly shown in uprisings all the strength of their class consciousness, and to the workers of Germany, who have endured the struggle against the law against socialists and created mighty organizations.

In the manifesto of March 14 we proposed to overthrow the bankers{10}, but we ourselves not only did not overthrow ours, but even entered into an alliance with them. Now we have overthrown the government of bankers.

Governments and the bourgeoisie will employ all efforts to unite and drown in blood the workers' and peasants' revolution. But three years of war have sufficiently educated the masses. The Soviet movement in other countries, the uprising of the German fleet, suppressed by the junkers of the executioner Wilhelm{11}. Finally, one must remember that we live not in the depths of Africa, but in Europe, where everything can soon become known.

The workers' movement will prevail and pave the way to peace and socialism. (Long and unceasing applause.)