V. I. Lenin

The Extraordinary All-Russia Congress Of Soviets
Of Peasants' Deputies [See glossary entry]

November 10-25 (November 23-December 8), 1917

1

Statement to the Bolshevik Group at the Extraordinary All-Russia Congress
of Soviets of Peasants' Deputies [1]

We demand most emphatically that the Bolsheviks insist, in the
form of an ultimatum, on an open vote on the question of issuing
an immediate invitation to several representatives of the Government.

If the reading of this proposal and voting on it at the plenary session are refused, the whole Bolshevik group
should walk out by way of protest.

Lenin

2

Speech On The Agrarian Question November 14 (27)

Newspaper Report

On the instructions of the Bolshevik group, Comrade Lenin
delivered a speech setting forth the views of the Bolshevik
Party on the agrarian question.

He said that the Party of Socialist-Revolutionaries had suffered
defeat over the agrarian question, since it had advocated the
confiscation of the landed estates, but refused to carry it into
effect.

Landed proprietorship forms the basis of feudal oppression, and
the confiscation of the landed estates is the first step of the
revolution in Russia. But the land question cannot be settled
independently of the other problems of the revolution. A correct
view of these problems can be derived from an analysis of the
stages through which the revolution has passed. The first stage
was the overthrow of the autocracy and the establishment of the
power of the bourgeoisie and the landowners. The interests of
the landowners were closely interwoven with those of the
bourgeoisie and the banks. The second stage was the consolidation of the Soviets and a policy of compromise with the
bourgeoisie. The mistake of the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries
was that at that time they failed to oppose the policy of
compromise on the plea that the masses were not sufficiently
enlightened. A party is the vanguard of a class, and its duty is
to lead the masses and not merely to reflect the average
political level of the masses. But in order to lead those who
vacillate the Left Socialist-Revolutionary comrades must
themselves stop vacillating.

Comrades Left Socialist-Revolutionaries! In July there began a
period in which the masses of the people started breaking away
from the policy of compromise, but to this very day the Left
Socialist-Revolutionaries are stretching out a hand to the
Avksentyevs, while offering the workers only their little
finger. If compromise continues, the revolution is doomed. Only
if the peasantry supports the workers can the problems of the
revolution be solved. Compromise is an attempt on the part of
the masses of workers, peasants and soldiers to get their needs
satisfied by means of reforms, by concessions on the part of
capital, without a socialist revolution. But it is impossible to
give the people peace and land without overthrowing the
bourgeoisie, without socialism. It is the duty of the revolution
to put an end to compromise, and to put an end to compromise
means taking the path of socialist revolution.

Comrade Lenin went on to defend the instructions to the
volost committees [2] and spoke of the necessity of breaking
with the leading organs, such as the army committees, the
Executive Committee of the Peasants' Deputies, etc. We adopted
our law on the volost committees, he said, from the peasants. The peasants want land and the prohibition of hired
labour; they want implements for the cultivation of the
soil. And this cannot be obtained without defeating capital. You
want land, we said to them, but the land is mortgaged and
belongs to Russian and world capital. You are throwing down a
challenge to capital, you are following a different path from
ours; but we are at one with you in that we are marching, and
must march, towards the social revolution. As for the
Constituent Assembly, the speaker said that its work will depend
on the mood in the country, but he added, trust in the mood, but
don't forget your rifles.

Comrade Lenin went on to deal with the question of the war. When
he referred to the removal of Dukhonin and the appointment of
Krylenko as Commander-in-Chief, there was laughter among the
audience. It may be funny to you, he retorted, but the soldiers
will condemn you for this laughter. If there are people here who
think it funny that we removed a counter-revolutionary general
and appointed Krylenko, who is against the general and has gone
to conduct negotiations, [3] we have nothing to say to them. We have
nothing in common with those who do not recognise the need to
fight the counter-revolutionary generals. Rather than have
anything to do with such people we prefer to retire from power,
go underground if necessary.

3

Draft Resolution

The Peasants' Congress fully and in every way supports the law
(decree) on land of October 26, 1917, approved by the Second
All-Russia Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers'
Deputies and published by the Council of People's Commissars as
the provisional workers' and peasants' government of the Russian
Republic. The Peasants' Congress declares its firm and unshakable resolve to ensure the implementation of this law,
calls upon all peasants to support it unanimously and to carry
it out themselves in the localities without delay, and also to
elect to all and every responsible post and office only people
who have proved not in word but in deed their complete devotion
to the interests of the working and exploited peasants, their
readiness and ability to uphold these interests against any
resistance the landowners, capitalists, and their supporters or
accomplices may offer.

The Peasants' Congress also expresses its conviction that the
full implementation of all the measures constituting the law on
land is possible only if the workers' socialist revolution which
began on October 25 is successful, for only the socialist
revolution can ensure the transfer of the land to the working
peasantry without compensation, the confiscation of the
landowners' implements, full protection of the interests of
agricultural wage-workers and the immediate commencement of the
unconditional abolition of the entire system of capitalist
wage-slavery, the proper and planned distribution of the
products of both agriculture and industry among the various
regions and the population of the country, control over the
banks (without such control the people will not be masters of
the land even though private property in land is abolished),
all-round state assistance specifically to the working and
exploited people, etc.

Therefore the Peasants' Congress, fully supporting the
Revolution of October 25, and supporting it precisely as a
socialist revolution, declares its unswerving resolve to carry
out, with due gradualness but without the slightest vacillation,
measures aimed at the socialist transformation of the Russian
Republic.

A necessary condition for the victory of the socialist revolution, which alone can secure the lasting triumph and full
implementation of the law on land, is the close alliance of the
working and exploited peasantry with the working class—the
proletariat—in all the advanced countries. In the Russian
Republic the entire organisation and administration of the state
from top to bottom must henceforth be based on such an alliance. Rejecting all and every attempt, direct and indirect,
overt and covert, to return to a course that experience has
rejected, to the course of conciliation with the bourgeoisie and
the champions of bourgeois policy, this alliance alone can
ensure the victory of socialism the world over.

4

Speech In Connection With The Statement
Of A Vikzhel Spokesman

November 18 (December 1)

Newspaper Report

Comrades, the Vikzhel statement is undoubtedly nothing but a
misunderstanding. Can you imagine, for one moment, that troops,
fully aware of their revolutionary duty and fighting for the
people's interests, would approach Field Headquarters and begin
smashing up everything and everyone, without making known their
demands, without so much as explaining to the soldiers around
II.Q. why they had come. You must realise, comrades, that that
is impossible. A revolutionary army, conscious of what it is
about, must make its demands known to those to whom it applies. When the demands were being made, much more was done;
care was taken to make it quite clear that resistance meant
resisting the people's will, that this was not a common but a
moral crime against the people's freedom, interests and highest
aspirations. A revolutionary army never fires the first shot,
and acts in anger only against invaders and tyrants. Had it been
otherwise, the word revolution would have lost its meaning. I
feel I must draw your attention to the fact that while making
its unverified charges, Vikzhel announces its "neutrality". That
is something Vikzhel has no right to do. At. a time of revolutionary struggle, when every minute counts, when dissent
and neutrality allow the enemy to put in his word, when he will
certainly be heard, and when no haste is made to help the people
in their struggle for their sacred rights. I cannot call such a
stand neutrality; it is not neutrality; a revolutionary would
call it incitement. (Applause.) By taking Such a stand you
incite the generals to action; when you fail to support us, you
oppose the people.

To postpone the armistice is just what General Dukhonin
wants. By assisting him you are sabotaging the armistice. Think
of the grave responsibility that falls upon you, and consider
what the people will say.

Comrade Lenin went on to say that the telegraph services were
being sabotaged in some areas. The government was left without
information, while its opponents circulated absurd rumours. Take
the allegation that the Polish battalions were opposing the
government, although the Poles had repeatedly declared that they
had not interfered and did not intend to interfere in Russian
affairs; they have also informed us that they want an armistice.

5

Concluding Speech On The Agrarian Question

November 18 (December 1)

Newspaper Report

Comrade Lenin first showed that the accusation of anarchism made
against the Bolsheviks by the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries had
not been proved.

In what way did socialists differ from anarchists? The anarchists did not recognise state power whereas the socialists,
the Bolsheviks among them, did recognise it in the period of
transition between the state of affairs then obtaining and the
socialism towards which they were progressing.

The Bolsheviks favoured a strong authority, but it must be a
workers' and peasants' authority.

All state power is compulsion, but until then it had always been
the power of the minority, the power of the landowner and
capitalist employed against the worker and peasant.

He said that the Bolsheviks stood for the state power that would
be a firm authority of the majority of the workers and peasants
employed against the capitalists and landowners.

Comrade Lenin then went on to show that the Left
Socialist-Revolutionaries' resolution on the land had called the
new government a people's socialist government, and dwelt on the
points that could closely unite the Bolsheviks and Left
Socialist-Revolutionaries.

The alliance of the peasants and workers was a basis for an
agreement between the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries and the
Bolsheviks.

It was an honest coalition, an honest alliance, but it would be
an honest coalition at the summit too, between the Left
Socialist-Revolutionaries and the Bolsheviks, if the
Left Socialist-Revolutionaries were more definite in stating
their conviction that the revolution was a socialist revolution. It was a socialist revolution. The abolition of
private property in land, the introduction of workers' control,
the nationalisation of the banks—all these were measures
that would lead to socialism. They were not socialism, but they
were measures that would lead to socialism by gigantic strides. The Bolsheviks did not promise the workers and peasants
milk and honey immediately, but they did say that a close
alliance between the workers and the exploited peasantry, a
firm, unwavering struggle for the power of the Soviets would
lead to socialism, and any party that really wanted to be a
people's party would have to state clearly and decisively that
the revolution was a socialist revolution.

And only in the event of the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries
stating that clearly and unambiguously would the Bolsheviks'
alliance with them grow and become stronger.

It had been said that the Bolsheviks were against the socialisation of the land and could not, therefore, come to an
agreement with the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries.

The Bolsheviks answered that they were indeed against the
Socialist-Revolutionaries' socialisation of the land but that
did not prevent an honest alliance with them.

Today or tomorrow the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries would
nominate their Minister of Agriculture, and the Bolsheviks would
not vote against a law on the socialisation of the land if he
proposed it; they would abstain from voting.

In conclusion Comrade Lenin stressed that only an alliance of
workers and peasants could acquire land and make peace.

Among other things Comrade Lenin was asked what the Bolsheviks
would do in the Constituent Assembly if the Left
Socialist-Revolutionaries were there in a minority and proposed
a bill on the socialisation of the land—would the
Bolsheviks abstain from voting? Of course not. The Bolsheviks
would vote for the bill hut would make the proviso that they
were voting for it in order to support the peasants against
their enemies.

---
Notes:
[1] Written
in connect ion with the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries'
objections to the Bolshevik demand that Lenin should be invited
to speak at the Congress in his capacity of Chairman of the
Council of People's Commissars. They thought this would be
prejudicial to the issue of power. On their motion, the Congress
rejected the Bolshevik proposal, and Lenin addressed it as a
member of the Bolshevik group.

[2]
The reference is to the instruction to the volost land committees approved by tire First All-Russia Congiess of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies on June 23 (July 6), 1917, and published as a law "On the volost Committees" on November 3 (16), 1917.

[3]
The reference is to the start of the peace talks with Germany.
Following the publication of the Decree on Peace, adopted by the
Second All-Russia Congress of Soviets, the Soviet Government
took practical steps to conclude a general democratic peace
among the belligerents. On November 7 (20), 1917, it issued
special directions to General Dukhonin, the Commander-in-Chief,
ordering him to make an offer to the enemy command to stop
military operations and open peace talks. The directions said
the government deemed it necessary to make a formal proposal for
an armistice between the belligerents without delay (Izvestia No. 221, November 10, 1917). But the
counter-revolutionary top brass, who had contacts with the
military in missions of the Entente, blocked the armistice in
every possible way. On November 8 (21), the People's
Commissariat for Foreign Affairs sent a note to the Allied
ambassadors proposing an immediate cease-fire on all fronts and
negotiations on peace. The Entente ambassadors met at the
U.S. Embassy in Petrograd on November 9 (22) arid decided to
ignore the Soviet government's note.

The refusal of the Entente imperialists to support the Soviet
Government's peace initiative and their active resistance to the
conclusion of a peace, forced the Council of People's Commissars
to start separate peace talks with Germany. On November 14 (27),
word was received that the German High Command was prepared to
start armistice talks. On the Soviet Government's proposal the
talks postponed for five days to give the Allied Government
another chance to make known their attitude on the peace
proposal. On November 15 (28), the Soviet Government issued its
appeal to the governments and peoples of all the belligerent
countries urging them to join in the peace negotiations. There
was no reply from the Allied powers.

On November 19 (December 2), a Soviet peace delegation led by
A. A. Joffe arrived in the neutral zone and proceeded to
Best-Litovsk, where it met a delegation of the Austin-Hungarian
bloc which included representatives of Bulgaria amid Turkey. A
10-day cease-fire was arranged as a result of the talks of
November 20-22 (December 3-5). The Soviet Government took the
opportunity to try to turn the separate talks with Germany into
negotiations for a general democratic peace. On November 24
(December 7) it sent another note to the Entente ambassadors
inviting them to join in the talks. This note was also ignored. On December 2 (15), the talks were resumed and that
same day a 28-day cease-fire was agreed upon. It provided for a
peace conference, which opened at Brest-Litovsk on December 9
(22).