VERBATIM RECORD

Comrade Lenin reads out the resolution adopted by the Central Committee at the previous meeting. He informs the meeting that the resolution was adopted by a majority, with two votes against. If the comrades who objected wish to speak, the debate can be opened; for the moment he is explaining the reasons for this resolution.

If the Menshevik and Socialist-Revolutionary parties had broken with conciliationism, it would have been possible to propose a compromise to them. This proposal was made, but it was clear that these parties rejected this compromise[36]. On the other hand, by this period it had already become clearly evident that the masses are following us. This was even before the Kornilov affair. As proof he cites election statistics from Petrograd and Moscow. The Kornilov affair, however, pushed the masses towards us even more resolutely. The balance of forces at the Democratic Conference. The situation is clear: either Kornilov’s dictatorship or the dictatorship of the proletariat and the poorest strata of the peasantry. It is impossible to be guided by the mood of the masses, for it is changeable and defies calculation; we must be guided by an objective analysis and assessment of the revolution. The masses have placed their confidence in the Bolsheviks and demand from them not words but deeds, a resolute policy both in the struggle against the war and in the struggle against economic disruption. If we base ourselves on a political analysis of the revolution, it will become absolutely clear that even the anarchist actions now confirm this.

He then analyses the situation in Europe and proves that the revolution there is even more difficult than in our country; if in a country like Germany it has come to an uprising in the navy, then this proves that matters there have already gone very far. The international situation provides us with a number of objective facts showing that, by taking action now, we shall have all of proletarian Europe on our side; he proves that the bourgeoisie wants to surrender Petrograd. We can save it from this only by taking Petrograd into our own hands. From all this the conclusion is clear that what is on the order of the day is the armed uprising spoken of in the Central Committee resolution.

As for the practical conclusions from the resolution, it is more convenient to draw them after hearing the reports of the representatives of the centres.

From the political analysis of the class struggle both in Russia and in Europe follows the necessity of the most resolute, the most active policy, which can only be an armed uprising.